THE TRAVELLING OF GLOBAL POLICY
IN THE METROPOLITAN REGION OF SOROCABA (BRAZIL):
THE
ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN SHAPING CLIMATE AGENDAS
Igor Matheus
Santana Chaves [1] 
Leticia Costa de Oliveira Santos 1
Pedro
Roberto Jacobi 2
Niklas
Werner Weins 3
ABSTRACT
– This article analyzes the
travelling and territorialization of the Climate Agenda, focusing on SDG-13,
from international organizations, understood as a particular form of
informational infrastructure at a global scale, to its circulation and
implementation in metropolitan and local contexts. From a topological
perspective and using a process tracing methodological approach, this study
investigates how international organizations, such as the United Nations (UN),
UN-Habitat, and ICLEI, influence the formulation and institutionalization of
the climate agenda in the Metropolitan Region of Sorocaba (MRS), Brazil. It
explores how global climate frameworks are territorialized through municipal
and metropolitan planning and governance, analyzing how policies are shaped
across different levels of government. The analysis draws on strategic plans,
legislation, institutional documents, and other policy outputs produced by the
municipality of Sorocaba and regional actors since the MRS's
institutionalization. The findings highlight how international organizations
mediate local-global interactions, promote policy diffusion, and facilitate
transnational knowledge exchange through financial, technical, and
capacity-building mechanisms. However, as observed, this dynamic does not occur
uniformly across the municipalities of the MRS, making the implementation of
climate agendas a challenge to be overcome, especially due to institutional
asymmetries and unequal governance capacities.
Keywords: Policy Mobility; Climate action; Metropolitan Region
of Sorocaba; Global South.
RESUMO – A CIRCULAÇÃO DE POLÍTICAS GLOBAIS NA REGIÃO METROPOLITANA
DE SOROCABA (BRASIL): O PAPEL DAS ORGANIZAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS NA CONSTRUÇÃO DE
AGENDAS CLIMÁTICAS. Este artigo analisa a circulação e territorialização da Agenda
Climática, com foco no ODS-13, desde as organizações internacionais, entendidas
como uma forma particular de infraestrutura informacional em escala global, até
sua disseminação e implementação em contextos metropolitanos e locais. A partir
de uma perspectiva topológica e utilizando a abordagem metodológica de
rastreamento de processos (process tracing), este estudo investiga como
organizações internacionais, como as Nações Unidas (ONU), a ONU-Habitat e o
ICLEI, influenciam a formulação e institucionalização da agenda climática na
Região Metropolitana de Sorocaba (RMS), no Brasil. Explora-se como os marcos
globais sobre clima são territorializados por meio do planejamento e da
governança municipal e metropolitana, analisando como as políticas são
configuradas em diferentes níveis de governo. A análise se baseia em planos
estratégicos, legislações, documentos institucionais e outros produtos de
políticas elaborados pelo município de Sorocaba e por atores regionais desde a
institucionalização da RMS. Os resultados destacam como as organizações
internacionais mediam as interações local-global, promovem a difusão de
políticas e facilitam o intercâmbio transnacional de conhecimentos por meio de
mecanismos financeiros, técnicos e de capacitação. No entanto, como observado,
essa dinâmica não ocorre de maneira uniforme entre os municípios da RMdeS,
tornando a implementação das agendas climáticas um desafio a ser superado,
especialmente devido às assimetrias institucionais e capacidades desiguais de
governança.
Palavras-chave: Mobilidade de
política; Ação climática; Região Metropolitana de Sorocaba; Sul Global.
RESUMEN – LA CIRCULACIÓN DE POLÍTICAS GLOBALES EN LA REGIÓN
METROPOLITANA DE SOROCABA (BRASIL): EL PAPEL DE LAS ORGANIZACIONES
INTERNACIONALES EN LA CONFIGURACIÓN DE AGENDAS CLIMÁTICAS. Este artículo
analiza la circulación y territorialización de la Agenda Climática, con enfoque
en el ODS-13, desde las organizaciones internacionales, entendidas como una
forma particular de infraestructura informacional a escala global, hasta su
difusión e implementación en contextos metropolitanos y locales. Desde una
perspectiva topológica y utilizando el enfoque metodológico de rastreo de
procesos (process tracing), este estudio investiga cómo organizaciones
internacionales, como las Naciones Unidas (ONU), ONU-Hábitat e ICLEI, influyen
en la formulación e institucionalización de la agenda climática en la Región
Metropolitana de Sorocaba (RMS), Brasil. Se explora cómo los marcos climáticos
globales se territorializan a través de la planificación y la gobernanza
municipal y metropolitana, analizando cómo se configuran las políticas en diferentes
niveles de gobierno. El análisis se basa en planes estratégicos, legislación,
documentos institucionales y otros productos de políticas elaborados por el
municipio de Sorocaba y actores regionales desde la institucionalización de la
RMS. Los hallazgos destacan cómo las organizaciones internacionales median en
las interacciones local-global, promueven la difusión de políticas y facilitan
el intercambio transnacional de conocimientos a través de mecanismos
financieros, técnicos y de capacitación. Sin embargo, como se ha observado,
esta dinámica no ocurre de manera uniforme entre los municipios de la Región
Metropolitana, lo que convierte la implementación de las agendas climáticas en
un desafío a superar, especialmente debido a las asimetrías institucionales y
las capacidades desiguales de gobernanza.
Palavras clave: Movilidad de Políticas; Acción climática; Región
Metropolitana de Sorocaba; Sur Global.
HIGHLIGHTS
·
Analyzes how SDG-13 travels from global
frameworks to local policy implementation.
·
Identifies challenges in integrating
equity, social inclusion, and environmental justice.
·
Emphasizes the need for local adaptation
and capacity-building in implementing global agendas.
·
Demonstrates, through process tracing, how
global ideas shape planning in Sorocaba’s region.
·
Highlights tensions around climate agendas
as both cooperation tools and sources of conflict.
I. INTRODUCTION
They act as platforms for generating, diffusing, and legitimizing
development strategies, thereby facilitating the global circulation of ideas
and practices that shape governance at multiple levels (McCann, 2011). However,
policies do not simply move across territories; they are also reconfigured and
‘made up’ locally (McCann & Ward, 2010). In parallel, non-elite actors like
transnational advocacy networks and social movements leverage informational
infrastructures to coordinate actions, share knowledge, and shape international
policy debates (Baker et al., 2020). These networks utilize digital
technologies to mobilize global campaigns, influence decision-making, and
challenge dominant governance paradigms, demonstrating how informational
infrastructures enable non-state actors to exert significant influence over
policy-making (Stone et al., 2020).
Initiatives aimed at environmental sustainability are a good
example of a global exchange of policies. With growing recognition of the
impacts of climate change, international pressure for responsive strategies has
increased. Cities play a central role in global governance, especially in the
context of environmental issues (Beck, 2014; Bulkeley & Castán Broto, 2013,
Foster & Swiney, 2022). Crises, such as climate change and migration, often
manifest themselves in urban areas, where coping strategies are implemented
(Sassen, 2018). A notable example of this global exchange is the C40 Cities
Climate Leadership Group. Through C40, cities have shared best practices in
urban sustainability, including low-carbon transportation policies, green
infrastructure projects, and climate resilience strategies (Haupt et al.,
2020). These platforms exemplify how
urban areas are not merely passive recipients of global policies but active
participants in shaping climate governance through policy circulation, mutual
learning, and localized adaptations.
Transnational city networks have
played a fundamental role in promoting the climate agenda in Brazil, but
uncertainty persists about the specific ways they have contributed to their
territorialization in policies at local and national levels (Barbi &
Macedo, 2019). While these networks facilitate knowledge exchange and policy
learning, their actual influence on the long-term transformation of governance
structures and institutional frameworks remains a topic of debate.
Understanding how these international agendas materialize in metropolitan
governance is therefore crucial for assessing their real impact beyond
political discourse.
In this way, climate challenges
frequently transcend geographical and institutional boundaries, reinforcing the
imperative for multilevel cooperation in mitigation, adaptation, and the
advancement of climate justice (Frey et al., 2021). Within this
framework, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) provide a
universal blueprint for sustainable urban development, with SDG-13 (Climate
Action) emphasizing the urgency of integrating climate measures into policies,
strategies, and planning at all levels (United Nations Brazil, n.d.). As a
founding member of the United Nations ([UN], 2015) since 1945, Brazil has
long-standing formal commitments to global agendas, which makes the national
and subnational translation of these goals particularly relevant. This is
especially evident in urban and metropolitan planning, where the challenge of
aligning international environmental commitments with local and regional
governance remains pressing (Torres et al., 2021).
Among the main challenges facing
Latin American metropolitan regions are adapting to climate change and integrating
the digital transformation into metropolitan governance (Costa, 2024). In
addition to the difficulties of coordination between different scales, these
regions often operate in fragmented institutional contexts, marked by
overlapping competences between the state and federal levels. In the case of
Brazil, this fragmentation, aggravated by political polarization, generates
instability and deepens urban inequalities, resulting in disjointed governance
instruments and actions that make it difficult to implement cohesive public
policies (Zimmermann et al., 2023). These challenges arise not only from
the institutional complexity that characterizes metropolitan governance but
also from the interpretative dilemmas surrounding the definitions, delimitations,
and geographic and administrative scales of metropolises (Lencioni, 2017).
In this sense, we present the case
of the Metropolitan Region of Sorocaba (MRS) – the third most populous in the
State of São Paulo and an economically significant hub for agribusiness,
industry, and technology – as an example of how policy mobility unfolds in
mid-sized cities projected for accelerated urban growth. The MRS stands out not
only for the common challenges faced by Brazilian metropolises but also for its
strategic position between distinct agendas and interests (local, state and
federal). At times, the region operates under directives and priorities set by
the state, while at others, it emerges as a space where local actors seek to
advance their own demands and strategies, leading to constant tension and drift
(Santana-Chaves et al., 2025).
A concrete example of this lack of
coordination in our case study is the development of its Integrated Urban
Master Plan (PDUI), which was finalized in 2022 after a complex process of
coordination among various actors and institutions and, as we shall see, the
incorporation of global agendas. However, to date, the plan has not yet been
submitted for consideration and voting in the São Paulo State Legislative
Assembly (ALESP), which prevents its effective institutionalisation
(Santana-Chaves et al., 2025). Its approval is essential for defining
guidelines and coordinated policies aimed at strategic planning and integrated
regional development. Thus, the MRS becomes an insightful case for
understanding how global dynamics, such as urban policy circulation, take root
in contingent and asymmetrical ways in metropolitan contexts of the Global
South (Zimmerman & Momm, 2022).
In this paper, we investigate in
which ways and through which configurations of actors, policies related to
climate action have been taken up in the metropolitan agenda of our case study.
We argue that the importance of the metropolitan scale has largely been
overlooked; this scale is where the practical challenges of aligning global
goals with local realities become evident, as the actual implementation of the
policies and the power dynamics play out, revealing how political commitments
translate into actionable strategies and tangible outcomes.
To support our argument, we draw
on Robinson’s (2015) topological perspective, which helps illuminate the role
of informational infrastructures in shaping global agendas and influencing
local decision-making. In this view, proximity is not merely geographical, but
also institutional and political, as policies are often shaped by actors who
hold power and legitimacy across distances, exerting influence over local
governance structures remotely. This is particularly relevant in the context of
policy mobilities and climate governance, where transnational networks and
international organizations establish normative frameworks that cities and
metropolitan regions are expected to follow. To investigate these
transformations, we employ process tracing as our methodological approach, systematically
identifying the causal processes and mechanisms underlying the integration of
climate adaptation into metropolitan governance. By analyzing how
municipalities within the MRS engage with global climate frameworks – not as
passive recipients, but through dynamic entanglements with a variety of actors,
institutions, and governance networks – this study offers a relational
perspective on how policies circulate and are reconfigured across scales,
shaping metropolitan governance.
We begin the article with a
discussion grounded in the literature on policy mobilities, with particular
emphasis on its dialogue with urban theories, planning, political science, and
global agendas. Next, we present our metropole region and case study – MRS, and
our relational methodological approach, which structures our analysis by
identifying causal processes and highlighting the events and dynamics involved
in the incorporation of the climate agenda at both local and metropolitan
scales. In the following section, dedicated to discussion, we articulate the
mechanisms identified through the interweaving of the previous sections,
shedding light on the dialogue between local and global actors – mediated by
informational infrastructures and other arenas of policy circulation.
Finally, this article returns to its central argument by emphasizing the metropolitan scale as a crucial arena where global commitments intersect with local governance challenges in climate action. The case of the MRS illustrates how climate policy circulation unfolds amid institutional disputes and power asymmetries, resulting in uneven adaptations of international agendas. Rather than a linear incorporation of global directives, metropolitan governance emerges from multi-scalar interactions and negotiations involving local, national, and transnational actors, mediated by informational infrastructures that frame, translate, and legitimize policies across contexts. This relational perspective contributes to urban planning and public policy debates by underscoring the need for approaches that address the complexity of institutional arrangements and the reinterpretation of global agendas within Global South metropolisation.
II.
FROM HOW THE EMERGENCE OF CLIMATE CHANGE MOBILIZED SUBNATIONAL
CLIMATE POLICIES
The study of policy mobilities has
emerged as a central concern in urban studies, aiming to understand how ideas,
practices, theories and agendas travel across different geographical contexts
(Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996, 2000; McCann & Ward, 2012; Peck &
Theodore, 2010). Policy mobilities literature emphasizes that policies are not
simply transferred but actively reshaped through institutional and social
processes. While early studies focused on state-to-state mobility of policies,
more recent analyses highlight the role of international organizations,
consultancies, and intercity networks in shaping global policy agendas (McCann,
2011). These are part of a wider set of informational infrastructures that
stimulate the circulation of a broad range of public policies, including urban
mobility (Carr & Hesse, 2020), education reform (McKenzie et al.,
2015), and environmental governance (Dolowitz & Medearis, 2009). Many of
these policies are circulated through transnational and informational networks,
influenced by international organizations (IOs), private actors, and
intermunicipal collaborations (Stone, 2008). Recent publications have also
pointed to the emergence of new patterns of influence, including South–North,
South–South, and East–West exchanges, reflecting an increasingly decentralized
and dynamic policy instruments and methodologies (Porto de Oliveira et al.,
2020).
Recent studies in policy
mobilities highlight that policies do not circulate in a linear way (Robinson,
2015). Rather, they are actively mobilized, reshaped, and contested by a wide
array of actors operating across different scales (McCann, 2011; Baker et
al., 2020). On one hand, elite actors – such as consultancies, policy
advisors, and international and supranational organizations like the European
Union (EU), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD),
and the United Nations (UN) – play a key role in legitimizing and promoting
policy models globally. These actors are central to the production and
operation of informational infrastructures that structure how policies are
framed and disseminated (Stone, 2008; McCann, 2011; Andersson & Cook,
2019). On the other hand, recent studies have also emphasized the role of
non-elite actors, including civil society organizations and community
activists, who reinterpret and adapt policies, often proposing alternative
modes of governance (Baker et al., 2020). Together, these dynamics
reveal how policymaking is embedded in complex power relations and knowledge
hierarchies, where certain models are legitimized over others through
mechanisms such as benchmarking, best practices, global rankings, and soft
governance strategies (Weiss et al., 2017). Informational
infrastructures, in this sense, mediate policymaking processes by embedding
specific knowledge regimes and shaping intergovernmental dependencies beyond
formal regulatory structures.
Within these wider debates, the
scalar politics of policymaking becomes apparent. Thus far, policy mobility
studies have positioned cities as key sites for policymaking and governance.
However, there has been a growing consensus that cities do not operate in
isolation, as their policy choices are conditioned by state regulations,
financial dependencies, and international agreements (Jonas & Ward, 2007;
Sassen, 2018). Furthermore, while some global cities exert significant
influence – such as the metropolis of São Paulo – many medium-sized cities
(such as Sorocaba) and small cities (a large part of the MRS) remain highly
dependent on national and state institutions. This scenario reflects not only
the uneven geographies of urban policymaking but also disparities in
institutional capacity and how governmental responsibilities are distributed
across different administrative levels (McCann & Ward, 2010). Thus, rather
than merely a matter of urban hierarchy, these inequalities are tied to the
structure of government systems and the availability of resources at each level
of public administration.
In this sense, rather than
attributing policy autonomy solely to a city’s position within the inter-urban
political economy, we emphasize the role of local and state governance
structures and legal frameworks in shaping policy implementation across
different urban scales. In Brazilian case, the metropolitan scale has gained
particular importance in recent years, especially with the legal reinforcement
provided by the Statute of the Metropolis (Federal Law N. 13.089/2015).
However, in practice, this scale has been mobilized less as a tool for
effective regional policy coordination and more as a discursive justification
for specific political agendas. As a result, rather than fostering cooperation
and equity in policy formulation among municipalities, the metropolitan scale
often becomes a battleground for competition over resources and influence,
further exacerbating asymmetries among cities that should be working in an
integrated manner.
Urban studies have increasingly
engaged with climate change as one of the most pressing global challenges,
recognizing its disproportionate impacts across territories. For instance,
climate change induced threats as the increasing frequency and intensity of
heat waves – leading to higher rates of heat-related illnesses and deaths,
along with economic impacts from reduced productivity and increased healthcare
costs – and sea-level rise - threatening coastal areas and islands with
population displacement and loss of habitable land (Elneel et al., 2023;
Scott et al., 2020).
In response, the acceleration of
climate change has demanded comprehensive policy action at both global and
local levels, aimed at mitigation and adaptation (Artaxo, 2019; Marques, 2023;
Sassen, 2018). This climate emergency has been increasingly addressed through
global urban governance frameworks, particularly those promoted by UN-Habitat.
The New Urban Agenda (United Nations Human Settlements Programme [UN-HABITAT], 2016),
built upon SDG 11, emphasizes the need for inclusive, resilient, and low-carbon
cities, and highlights metropolitan governance as a key mechanism for advancing
climate adaptation and mitigation strategies. Building on these global
frameworks, Brazil, as a founding member of the UN, has played an active role
in international governance negotiations, including the OWG that formulated the
SDGs. Although these commitments are formally non-binding, they exert normative
and institutional influence on Brazilian public policies at national, state,
and local levels (Frey et al., 2021).
Subnational governments and
metropolitan regions have become key actors in aligning local policies with
global sustainability goals. In parallel, the growing urgency of climate
challenges has fostered the emergence of intercity and transnational networks involving
NGOs, local and subnational governments, activists, and private sector actors
(Nelles et al., 2018). Organizations such as the UN Framework Convention
on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and ICLEI – Local Governments for Sustainability[i] –
provide platforms for negotiation, knowledge exchange, and advocacy, playing a
critical role in linking global agendas with local implementation. Cities and
their metropolitan surroundings have increasingly functioned as laboratories of
experimentation and innovation in both policy tools and governance models.
Implementing global agendas at the urban level is crucial for the effectiveness
of climate governance, as cities act not only as mediators of international
directives but also as active contributors to global strategies – taking on the
role of autonomous agents of economic, political, and environmental
transformation (Jonas & Ward, 2007; Frey et al., 2021; Torres et
al., 2021). These interactions, however, are shaped by transnational power
asymmetries, as international policy transfer processes often reflect uneven
capacities and influence among actors (Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996, 2000).
Unlike the MDGs, which were
primarily designed within international financial institutions and later
incorporated into the United Nations framework, the SDGs emerged from a broader
and more participatory process, with contributions from UN member states, civil
society organizations, and research institutions. Institutional mechanisms such
as the OWG, established after Rio+20 in 2012, and the UN General Assembly
(UNGA) played key roles in shaping and legitimizing this process (Veiga, 2021)
and are part of the informational infrastructures informing policy choices.
Additionally, the role of the OECD (OECD, 2018), the World Bank (World Bank,
2019), and the United Nations Development Program ([UNDP], 2023a, 2023b) in
shaping global governance mechanisms and tracking SDG progress has been crucial
in operationalizing these goals at multiple levels. While the MDGs largely
focused on poverty alleviation and basic human development, the SDGs
incorporate broader systemic challenges, such as climate change (SDG 13),
sustainable cities (SDG-11), and governance structures (SDG 16) reflecting a
growing recognition that sustainable development is inherently multidimensional
and requires coordinated action across national and subnational levels (Weiss et
al., 2017).
As Barnett and Finnemore (2004)
and Faria (2018) argue that IOs are both products and producers of
globalization, playing a pivotal role in the internationalization of public
policies. These organizations are central to the construction, legitimization,
and operation of transnational networks and epistemic communities, which shape
the diffusion of policies and contribute to the development of what is often
called “global public policies”. The influence of IOs and these networks on
local policies blurs the distinction between domestic and international
governance, while simultaneously positioning them as key platforms for
promoting and implementing policies. This reflects the growing importance of
cross-border cooperation in knowledge exchange and policy implementation (Faria,
2018).
However, several organisational
and structural reasons make it difficult for metropolitan regions to move and
translate public policy. In terms of regional inequality and fragmentation, for
example, local governments' centrifugal forces may oppose metropolitan
integration, impeding the execution of coherent and successful public policies
(Savitch & Adhikari, 2017) and placing an unfair emphasis on urban areas at
the expense of remote and interior municipalities (Harrison & Heley, 2015).
Additionally, many metropolitan areas, particularly smaller RMs in the Global
South, lack the legal and financial resources as well as formal institutional
structures that support integrated governance (Hamilton et al., 2004).
This hinders grassroots initiatives, and the multi-level governance required
for successful metropolitan policies (Smętkowski et al., 2019).
III.
METHODOLOGY AND STUDY CASE
1. A Relational
Methodological Approach
As suggested by Robinson (2015),
in this article, we propose going beyond focusing solely on what is moving
(trajectories of a policy document, an idea, a policy consultant) and instead
examining, in a relational manner, how policymakers shape their ideas and
practices on climate change at metropolitan and local scales amid a myriad of
external influences. Accordingly, we explore how municipalities within the MRS
engage with global climate action frameworks – not as passive recipients, but
through dynamic interactions with various actors, institutions, and governance
networks. In doing so, we identify the causal mechanisms that influence
decision-making processes, as well as how global commitments are reinterpreted
within local governance structures. The literature on the circulation of
policies and planning instruments highlights the complex trajectory of ideas
shaped by transnational influences, global networks, and local contexts. As
Porto de Oliveira et al. (2020) argue, understanding the adaptability of
these “moving objects”– ideas, practices, theories and agendas – is crucial for
analyzing how policy models are not only transferred but also reshaped in
different governance settings. This approach aligns with our objective of
examining how global climate policies are assimilated, contested, and
reformulated at the metropolitan scale, emphasizing the dynamic interplay
between international agendas and localized political and institutional
realities.
To systematize our findings, this
study adopts the methodological approach of process tracing. According to
Collier (2011), this methodological approach examines the interaction between
independent variables (cause) and dependent variables (outcome) within a causal
process, allowing for a detailed exploration of the intervening variables
(causal mechanisms) linking them. Another justification for its use follows
Beach and Pedersen (2013), who highlight the potential of process tracing for
theory testing, theory building, and explaining outcomes. Although our approach
is centered on a case study (empirical analyses), it also contributes to theory
building, as it examines the context of metropolitan regions in Brazil,
bringing new insights to studies on policy mobility in other contexts.
The identification of these
patterns does not aim for broad generalizations but rather seeks to reveal how
specific causal mechanisms operate within our case study. In this regard,
Robinson’s (2015, 2018) discussions on proximity and (non)direct influences are
relevant, as is the relationship between the nation-state, international
organizations, and the formulation of metropolitan and urban policies within
the specificities of the Global South and its colonial disparity legacies.
Thus, by examining entities, events, and actions within causal processes, our
analyses provide a framework (fig. 1) for systematizing the formulation of more
precise inferences about the mechanisms shaping political and institutional
dynamics (Bennett & Checkel, 2014; Collier, 2011).
Fig. 1 – Our structure of process tracing.
Fig. 1 – Nossa estrutura de rastreamento de processos.
Based on document analysis, we
selected municipal and metropolitan-related policies – on the one hand
referring to municipalities within the MRS, and on the other to the State of
São Paulo – directly linked to climate-related issues. The selection focused on
published official documents but was hindered by data fragmentation, as each
municipality structured its platforms differently and without systematization
criteria, making their actions and legislation available in a disjointed
manner. To organize the search, we prioritized content from the past three
decades that guides local and regional strategies to address climate impacts,
including instruments and strategic guidelines. The consultation encompassed
plans, laws, and legal documents available on official municipal platforms
(city hall and legislative chamber portals), as well as materials from
councils, agencies, regional/metropolitan consortia, and other relevant
entities.
This process was not exhaustive
but followed a standardized, systematic search, using common terms on each
platform such as “climate change” and “environment.” As the research
progressed, additional terms were included, such as “funds,” “councils,”
“sanitation,” “solid waste,” “GHG emissions,” and “risk.” Due to the length of
the resulting table, only officially regulated events were included. The data
collected were synthesized into a spreadsheet (see Appendix 1) that
systematizes the identified climate policies and other related actions.
Although the spreadsheet is based on the study by Barbi & Ferreira (2013),
our approach goes further by also considering transnational articulations and
the positioning of these policies within the Sustainable Development Index for
Cities (IDSC-BR), enabling a deeper analysis of their alignment with the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Following this causal-mechanical
model, we analyzed the collected data to understand the agents and institutions
involved in transnational networks, with special attention to the adoption and
adaptation of global agendas such as the SDGs. Additionally, we investigated
the circulation of ideas and external influences in the formulation of
metropolitan policies. With qualitative research techniques, along with detailed
contextual analysis, it provides a broader and more in-depth understanding of
the phenomena studied.
2. The Metropolitan Region
of Sorocaba
In Brazil, a metropolitan region
(MR) is a territorial unit composed of adjacent municipalities, created to
integrate the organization, planning, and execution of public functions of
common interest. At the federal level, the Statute of the Metropolis (Law N.
13.089/2015), which amends the City Statute (Law No. 10.257/2001), establishes
criteria and guidelines for their creation. However, MRs are formally
established by complementary state law. Some key characteristics of MRs include
functional, economic, and social integration, shared challenges and solutions,
the need for coordinated planning, and the provision of metropolitan-scale
public services. They must have an interfederative governance structure,
encompassing administrative organization, resource allocation, accountability,
and mechanisms for social control. Public functions of common interest in an MR
may include transportation, the regional road system, basic sanitation, land
use, and environmental management (Brazil, 2015).
MRs are therefore intended to
integrate and optimize efforts and have the potential to increase local
institutional and individual capacities. Such local institutional and
individual capacities are fundamental within policy transfer processes, to
foster translation and learning (Stone et al., 2020), which potentially
puts MR at an advantage over non-metropolitanized cities (Fricke, 2020). When
it comes to public policies, MRs have the advantage of making it possible to
create and carry out policies that tackle problems that cut over local
jurisdictional lines and take advantage of effective strategies from other
areas (Zimmermann, 2019). Metropolitan governance can help integrate policies
and services, fostering more effective and cooperative management at various
governmental levels and regional collaboration to address complex issues that
call for coordination.
In other ways, as the main players
in climate policymaking, cities have certain restrictions that the MRs can help
to alleviate. Cities are frequently cited as important locations for climate
governance, although they are limited by their resources and jurisdictional
constraints. However, MRs offer a framework for integrated planning that goes
beyond municipal boundaries, encouraging cooperation and building institutional
strength (Cavaco et al., 2024). This regional size makes it easier for
several municipalities to coordinate, bringing local initiatives into line with
larger national and international climate objectives. Additionally, by using
their governance structures, MRs can advocate for policy coherence across
governmental levels, access national and international funding mechanisms, and
carry out large-scale infrastructure projects that may be difficult for
individual cities to fund or coordinate on their own (Jacobi et al.,
2024)
Overcoming legal obstacles that
impede climate action at the municipal level is another benefit of MRs. Before
putting tangible steps into place, many towns must create specific climate
action plans. This can be a difficult process for smaller communities, which
sometimes lack the financial resources, technological infrastructure, and
people ability to complete the process, especially smaller ones in the Global
South (Cid et al., 2024). On the other hand, MRs can create a single
metropolitan climate strategy or a framework that all local governments in the
area can use as guides. In addition to reducing bureaucratic fragmentation,
this coordinated strategy increases smaller towns' ability to participate in
effective climate governance by giving them access to pooled resources,
technical assistance, and structured policies.
This article uses the case of MRS
to illustrate scalar politics. The collaboration between sub-national and
international actors in the country has been vital in promoting the development
of strategies to deal with climate change. Transnational networks play an
essential role in building the capacity of local authorities and integrating
cities into global discussions. In addition to municipalities, metropolitan
regions are becoming increasingly important. These function both as points of
contact in global sub-national networks, as recipients of policies that travel
transnationally, and as the very regional networks of co-production and
cooperation in planning policies and strategies (Zimmerman, 2019; Zimmerman
& Momm, 2022). We argue that this adds new questions to the policy transfer
and mobility process. Encouraging transnational networks can provoke
metropolitan regions to engage with issues beyond their original scope,
fostering innovative policy solutions, although potentially making MRs more outwardly
oriented (e.g, in intercity competition) than locally focused (Fricke,
2020).
Institutionalized in 2014, the MRS
encompasses 27 municipalities and holds a strategic position between São
Paulo’s capital, Paraná’s capital (Curitiba), and the Port of Santos, the
largest port in South America in terms of import and export volume (fig. 2).
This metropolis houses over two million inhabitants, representing 4.6% of the
state’s population. It covers an area of 9,821.32 km², which corresponds to
3.69% of São Paulo’s territory. The regional economy accounts for 5.1% of São
Paulo State’s GDP, making it one of the most significant economic hubs in the
interior of the state. Strongly reliant on industry and the tertiary sector, it
ranks as the third most industrialized metropolitan region in the state, behind
São Paulo and Campinas. Yet, agriculture still plays a relevant role in the
economy of smaller municipalities, particularly in the production of corn,
sugarcane, soybeans, and other commodities (Santana-Chaves et al.,
2025).
Fig. 2 – Location and urban hierarchy of the
Metropolitan Region of Sorocaba.
Fig. 2 – Localização
e hierarquia urbana da Região Metropolitana de Sorocaba.
Sorocaba plays a central role in
the regional urban hierarchy, acting as the main decision-making center and
exerting significant influence over the metropolitan region’s economic and
administrative dynamics. It is also one of the few municipalities in the region
that presents a notable urban area, conurbation (with Votorantim) and a
consolidated urbanization process relative to its total area. However, despite
this centrality, Sorocaba does not meet the criteria for a metropolis as
defined by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), being
officially classified as a medium-sized city and a regional capital. The other
municipalities within the MRS, almost small, are largely characterized by rural
areas or conservation zones. This configuration reveals not only an atypical
metropolitan profile but also a singular metropolization process, in which the
absence of a metropolis may be the least of its challenges, given a regional
governance that must balance urban and rural dynamics while facing issues such
as territorial fragmentation and difficulties in implementing integrated
metropolitan policies.
In this regard, in 2023, the city
received national recognition by ranking first in the state of São Paulo and
second in Brazil in the United Nations Sustainable Cities Program (PCS). In
addition to Sorocaba, four other municipalities in the MRS are signatories of
the program, reinforcing the commitment of some municipalities to the SDGs and
the implementation of public policies focused on sustainability. At the São Paulo
State level, in 2023, Sorocaba also ranked first in the Green and Blue Cities
Program (PMVA). Although the participation of some municipalities in the PCS
indicates efforts towards governance aligned with global guidelines, the implementation
of integrated metropolitan policies still faces significant challenges.
Institutional fragmentation and asymmetries between municipalities result in
unequal responses to sustainability demands and climate adaptation,
highlighting the difficulty of consolidating collective action strategies at
the regional level. In this context, understanding how the climate agenda
materializes in the MRS requires an analysis of the mechanisms that condition
the adoption and implementation of the wider environmental policies they are
integrated with within the territory. The following section investigates the
causal process linking metropolitan governance to environmental policies,
analyzing the challenges faced by MRS municipalities in incorporating the
climate agenda and building effective responses for climate change mitigation
and adaptation.
IV.
CAUSAL PROCESS: MRS AND THE UN CLIMATE AGENDA
1. Regional Disparities in Local Climate Policy
Searches conducted on the official
platforms of the municipalities in the MRS revealed limited information
specifically related to climate change. Most documented actions focused on
environmental awareness events, such as Environment Week, Water Day, and the
Green June Campaign. However, a review of the platforms of municipal legislative
chambers showed that all municipalities have some form of environmental
protection council. Furthermore, most municipalities implement specific actions
related to solid waste management, reforestation, energy transition, and,
notably, the introduction of environmental education policies. Despite these
efforts, the initiatives remain purely local in scope and are often carried out
in isolation without integration at the metropolitan scale.
In another way, an example of this
local scope is Bill No. 124/2007 (Itapetininga, 2007), which proposed the
creation of the Municipal Climate Change Policy (PMMC) in Itapetininga.
Although initially approved by the municipal chamber, it was later vetoed in
2009 on the grounds of unconstitutionality when a new administration took
office. Rather than being discontinued mid-process, this case illustrates a
failure to mobilize climate policy altogether. In contexts where political
commitment is weak and transnational engagement absent, policies may remain in
a latent or static state, what Temenos & Lauermann (2020) describe as
“immobile policies”. Even in municipalities such as Tietê, São Roque, and
Piedade, where climate policies were still legally approved, there is little to
no evidence of subsequent concrete plans or institutionalization. This
reinforces the notion that, in the absence of broader networks and
implementation mechanisms, climate policies remain fragile, fragmented, often
symbolic and not materialized in practice at the local level.
This scenario reveals a disconnect
between the guidelines of the National Policy on Climate Change (Law No.
12.187/2009) and its implementation at the municipal level, where climate
policies often face discontinuity due to the lack of integration with national
and international plans. Adding to this picture is the existence of the State
Policy on Climate Change (PEMC), established by State Law No. 13.798/2009 and
regulated by Decree No. 55.947/2010, which sets the State of São Paulo’s
commitment to addressing the challenges of global climate change. However,
coordination between this state-level policy and the municipalities of the MRS
remains limited. In this sense, the fragmentation and uneven adoption of
climate policies among the municipalities that make up the MRS indicate that
the main driving force behind environmental actions still relies on state and
federal incentives.
The lack of integration among
municipalities complicates the formulation and maintenance of mitigation and
adaptation strategies for climate change.
In this context, the implementation of the climate agenda in these
municipalities also reflects the role of the Brazilian state as a mediator of
these policies and how they ended up being translated locally. Although the
PMMC establishes guidelines for states and municipalities, the implementation
of these policies in Brazil occurs within a decentralized framework, where
municipalities often receive little technical and financial assistance to
effectively operationalize national directives (Viola & Franchini, 2018).
Another critical challenge is the
weak adherence of municipalities to the SDGs. Although the MRS Climate Change
Charter exists, few municipalities – such as Tietê, Araçariguama, and Itu – demonstrate
explicit alignment with the SDG agenda. This misalignment suggests that local
climate policies have not yet been fully incorporated into sustainable
development strategies, making it more difficult to access international
funding and institutional support. Additionally, municipal climate change
conferences remain an underdeveloped practice. Only Boituva, Itapetininga,
Salto, São Roque, Araçoiaba da Serra, Pilar do Sul, Salto de Pirapora,
Sorocaba, and Votorantim hold such events, limiting the debate and policy
formulation in other cities. These conferences are essential mechanisms for
engaging stakeholders, strengthening intermunicipal cooperation, and expanding
public participation in the climate agenda.
2. Sorocaba: Constructing and Translating The UN Climate Agenda
Sorocaba represents the most structured case of
translation of the UN Climate Agenda within the MRS. As a member state of the
UN, Brazil has committed to integrating the SDGs into national and subnational
policy frameworks. In this context, Sorocaba's engagement with transnational
networks – particularly ICLEI and the Urban-LEDS initiative – has enabled the
city to reinterpret and institutionalize SDG 13 through concrete governance
structures, such as the Municipal Climate Action Plan (Sorocaba, 2023) and
dedicated climate policy instruments. These were not simply imported, but
co-produced through a relational process involving international cooperation,
technical assistance, and local political agency.
The relationship between the global climate agenda
and local policies does not occur automatically but rather through
institutional mechanisms that facilitate this translation. In the case of MRS,
the role of networks such as ICLEI and the adherence to Urban LEDS were crucial
in aligning local initiatives with UN guidelines for fundings. The
incorporation of SDG 13 into municipal and metropolitan plans took place
through the influence of these programs, promoting capacity-building, access to
funding, and knowledge exchange. The UN operates as a catalyst, encouraging the
adoption of international standards through transnational networks, without
necessarily imposing a single governance model. Additionally, UN initiatives,
such as the Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate & Energy and the Sustainable
Cities Program, have contributed to the dissemination and construction of SDG
13 in Latin American municipalities, including those in the MRS, through
capacity building, data sharing, stakeholder engagement as well as access to
resources.
Due to prior engagement and established connections,
in 2012, eight Brazilian cities – including Sorocaba – were selected to
participate in the Urban LEDS project, along with 21 cities from South Africa,
India, and Indonesia. Additionally, eight "Experienced European
Cities" were included in the program to share their best practices,
knowledge and experiences that informed policies in Sorocaba as relevant
references (Urban LEDs, 2016). The IntegraBike case study (Local Governments for
Sustainability [ICLEI], 2015, 2016),
which involved Sorocaba’s Bicycle Plan and its public bike-sharing system – designed
to integrate with the bus network and the planned BRT corridor – presents
Sorocaba as an international success story, alongside cities such as
Copenhagen, Amsterdam, and New York. These cases, highlighted in ICLEI’s
publications as best practices, play an important role in demonstrating how
integrated urban transport systems and cycling infrastructure can contribute to
emissions reduction and improved quality of life. In this context, such
references help guide the long-term planning of cities within the network,
aiming to strengthen the transition toward low-emission urban development in
emerging economy countries.
Through participation in Urban LEDS and exposure to
European planning practices, Sorocaba adopted international climate governance
tools – such as GHG inventories, mobility diagnostics, and low-emission
development strategies – which were then translated into its own local
institutions and instruments, such as the Climate Action Plan and the Municipal
Urban Mobility Plan. These experiences illustrate not only the exchange of
technical knowledge but also the relational and iterative nature of policy
learning, where external models are adapted to local constraints and
opportunities.
Between 2015 and 2016, Sorocaba institutionalized
key components of its local climate strategy. Mayor Antonio Carlos Pannunzio
submitted Bill No. 39/2015, formally establishing the project of Municipal
Climate Change Policy (PMMC; Municipal Chamber of Sorocaba, 2015)[ii], which
was approved based on alignment with the UNFCCC. In parallel, the city
published its first GHG Inventory, created climate governance bodies, and
later, through Urban LEDS II, developed a Climate Risk Analysis and second GHG
Inventory (2014–2017) (ICLEI, 2014). These processes were supported by
WayCarbon and local academic institutions. The legal establishment of the PMMC
through Law No. 11.477/2016 (Sorocaba, 2016)[iii] further
embedded climate governance into municipal structures. The law emphasizes
articulation with the State of São Paulo, metropolitan municipalities, and the
São Paulo Macrometropolis. It provides for regional conferences and the use of
international funding mechanisms, such as the Green Climate Fund. Among these
mechanisms, highlighting the global interconnectedness around information and
financial mechanisms that stimulate a standardized way of implementation and
facilitate the adoption of shared reference frames (see Table 1). Although Sorocaba has played a
significant role in adopting climate policies aligned with SDG 13, the other
municipalities of the MRS have not necessarily followed the same path. Instead
of a direct replication, there is evidence of a path dependency process, in
which each city shapes its approach based on its institutional capacity,
political priorities, and available support networks (Pierson, 2000).
|
Year |
Instrument / Action |
Influence / Support |
Scale |
Outcome |
|
2012 |
Entry into Urban LEDS |
ICLEI, UN/EU |
Local |
Initial engagement with SDG 13 frameworks |
|
2015 |
Bill No. 39/2015 / PMMC Law Project (Sorocaba, 2015) 1st GHG Inventory |
UNFCCC, WayCarbon/UN |
Local |
Formal proposal of PMMC, climate data established |
|
2016 |
Law No. 11.477 enacted (PMMC) |
Local executive, ICLEI/UN |
Local |
Institutionalization of local climate policy |
|
2017 |
2nd GHG Inventory and Climate Risk Analysis |
Urban LEDS II/UN |
Local |
Technical foundation for action plan |
|
2019 |
First Regional Climate Change Forum |
AGEM-MRS, ICLEI/UN/EU |
Metropolitan |
Reinforcement of metropolitan leadership, circuit of policy mobilities |
|
2019 |
Open Letter of the Sorocaba Metropolitan Region |
Local entities/Local municipalities |
Metropolitan |
Circuit of policy mobilities |
|
2020 |
2nd Regional Climate Change Forum & IDSC Ranking Recognition |
AGEM-MRS, ICLEI/UN/EU |
Metropolitan |
Reinforcement of metropolitan leadership, Circuit of policy mobilities |
|
2023 |
Thematic Chambers in Climate Changes |
AGEM-MRS/Local entities/Local municipalities |
Metropolitan |
Circuit of policy mobilities |
Table I –Sorocaba’s Climate Agenda.
Quadro I – Agenda climática de Sorocaba.
Sorocaba’s experience highlights how
integration into international networks and coordination across multiple scales
– municipal, metropolitan, national, and international – facilitates the
implementation and continuity of climate policies. However, even with legal
frameworks requiring a regional/metropolitan approach, the lack of an effective
governance structure to coordinate collective efforts keeps climate initiatives
fragmented and unequal, making them highly dependent on the political will of
each municipality.
3. Metropolitan Scale:
Fragmentation and Emerging Coordination
Metropolitan coordination
around the climate agenda has progressed through strategic initiatives. A
significant milestone occurred in November 2019, when the Sorocaba City Hall
organized the 1st Regional Climate Change Forum, bringing together the
Department of Environment, Parks, and Gardens (SEMA), the Department of Institutional
and Metropolitan Relations (SERIM), and the University of Sorocaba (UNISO). The
event marked an important step in building a collective approach to the climate
crisis, resulting in the drafting and release of a Metropolitan Charter, which
was later made available for public consultation (Jornal Z Norte, 2019).
The "Open Letter of
the Sorocaba Metropolitan Region for Combating Climate Change" (Municipal
Government of Sorocaba, 2019) represents a significant collective commitment,
signed by a wide range of actors, including local governments, the productive
sector, civil society organizations, and research and education institutions.
The document emphasizes the urgency of addressing climate change as a global
challenge that requires coordinated actions at all levels of society. It
establishes ambitious commitments for decarbonization and strengthening
regional resilience, in addition to enhancing transparency through the creation
of a Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification System. The cooperation between
different levels of government and the need for policies aligned with global
agreements and the 2030 Agenda are also highlighted, demonstrating the MRS’s
commitment to environmental issues and climate change mitigation (Secretaria de Meio
Ambiente de Sorocaba [SEMA],
2019).
Since its creation in 2015,
the Metropolitan Agency of Sorocaba (AGEM-Sorocaba) has played a relevant role
in the regional climate agenda. An analysis of its platform revealed
initiatives focused on the dissemination and implementation of policies in the
municipalities of the Sorocaba Metropolitan Region (MRS). Among the main
projects, two stand out: "Our MRS: Plans, Dreams, and Possibilities"[iv], with
the project Metropolitan Cities 2030 (MC-2030)[v]; and the
"Training in Urban Planning Instruments: Municipal Master Plans and
Integrated Urban Development Plans – MRS (TUPI-MRS)". The first project
aims to facilitate the exchange of best practices (linked within environmental
certifications, hydric resources and urban gardens) across municipalities of
the metropolitan region, fostering dialogue between local administrations. This
exchange is grounded in the understanding that policy learning can occur
through the direct appropriation of initiatives developed in other regions – what
one of the program’s coordinators described as a kind of “copy and paste”
strategy (City Council of Sorocaba, 2023). The second promotes technical
training for territorial planning, reinforcing the incorporation of the SDGs
from the 2030 Agenda into regional public policies.
The Episode #6 of MC-2030,
recorded in 2022, focused on SDG 13 (Climate Action) and included contributions
from the Director of AGEM-Sorocaba and invited experts – a forestry engineer,
an architect and environmental consultant. The discussions emphasized
environmental education, public awareness, and the promotion of sustainable
practices at the local level. One of the guests, an environmental engineer from
São Paulo State University (UNESP), highlighted the growing importance of
environmental certification focused on reforestation, increasingly demanded by
both international and domestic markets. Another speaker addressed the critical
issue of water pollution. Among the concrete examples mentioned during the
episode, the only implemented local initiative was the “Adopt a Square”
program, a public-private partnership policy created in 1996 and reactivated in
Sorocaba in 2019. It allows private entities to support the maintenance and
preservation of public green spaces. Although modest, the initiative reflects
an attempt to localize SDG 13 through governance mechanisms that encourage
civic participation and environmental responsibility.
The TUPI-MRS[vi], aimed
to strengthen the technical capacity of municipal managers and serve as a
platform for disseminating the 2030 Agenda in the Sorocaba metropolis. Held in
June 2023, it was structured into three groups, corresponding to the
sub-regions of the MRS, with two representatives per municipality. Its main
objective was to support the implementation of the Integrated Urban Development
Plan (PDUI) by training technical teams responsible for local urban planning.
The curriculum covered topics such as the development and management of
municipal master plans and their alignment with regional guidelines. A significant
portion of the training was dedicated to finalizing the PDUI, completed in 2022
but still awaiting formal approval.
The Special Thematic
Chamber on Climate Change[vii] was
officially established on May of2023, following discussions that had been
ongoing since 2020 (AGEM-Sorocaba, 2023; AGEM-Sorocaba, 2020). However, despite
its formal establishment, no evidence or records of meetings or concrete
actions conducted by the Thematic Chamber have been found to date. This
scenario reflects a recurring challenge in policy transfer, where the creation
of institutional structures does not necessarily ensure their effectiveness. As
Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) point out, policies can be adopted without
necessarily being implemented, particularly when gaps exist in technical
capacity, funding, or monitoring. Without active support networks and
well-established institutional mechanisms, instruments like the Thematic
Chamber risk remaining purely normative without translating into concrete
actions (Benson & Jordan, 2011).
The initiatives promoted by
AGEM-Sorocaba so far demonstrate progress in municipal technical
capacity-building and community engagement with the climate agenda. However,
the lack of progress within the Thematic Chamber underscores the need to strengthen
metropolitan governance and overcome institutional fragmentation, ensuring that
local efforts translate into integrated and continuous strategies. Studies on
urban governance indicate that learning processes and intermunicipal
collaboration are essential for the successful implementation of climate
policies (Bulkeley, 2010; Kern, 2019). For the MRS to overcome this challenge,
it is crucial to establish mechanisms that ensure coordination among
municipalities and the exchange of best practices, fostering a more dynamic
process of learning and climate policy implementation (Tait & Jensen,
2007). Despite these initiatives, the translation of the UN Climate Agenda into
a coordinated metropolitan strategy remains incipient. Most actions rely on
discursive convergence rather than binding mechanisms, and Sorocaba continues
to operate as a central node without fully fostering horizontal governance
across the MRS. The metropolitan scale has thus functioned more as a discursive
space than an institutionalized arena for climate policy. As a result, the
construction and translation of metropolitan approaches aligned with Agenda
2030 remain uneven and contingent on the leadership of specific actors, rather
than on a shared governance framework. This reinforces the importance of
examining not only what institutions exist, but how – and by whom – they are
activated in practice.
V.
CAUSAL MECHANISM: TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS AND THE METROPOLIS IN THE
TRANSFER OF IDEAS
As outlined in the previous
section, transnational networks, such as ICLEI, play a significant role as
intermediaries in the movement of ideas, practices, theories and agendas as
well as resources, particularly within local and metropolitan structures. ICLEI,
which describes its actions as "peer exchange and capacity building,"
facilitates the advancement of global agendas, such as climate change
adaptation. This occurs through institutional induction, which is perceived as
non-coercive, where local governments choose to adopt certain policies based on
the exchange of models and best practices within the network, whether with
peers or consultants, supposedly without hierarchical imposition (Faria, 2018).
However, these agendas are driven
by international funders. In the case of Urban-LEDS, the European Union was the
primary funder in both phases of the project, as has been the case in various
initiatives operated by ICLEI in Latin America. This funding allows local
governments to access resources, obtain technical support, and expand their
integration into global networks, which, in turn, enhances the visibility and
competitiveness of these cities. As Jakobi (2009) points out, the adoption of
global agendas at the local level is influenced by a quest for legitimacy,
reflecting global cultural expectations regarding how a state or region should
behave and develop.
The city of Sorocaba stands out in
this context. This status as a "best practice" was not self-ascribed
but gradually constructed through Sorocaba's early and visible participation in
international programs such as Urban LEDS, its formal adoption of climate
legislation aligned with the UNFCCC, and its active engagement in
knowledge-sharing initiatives coordinated by ICLEI. Notably, the city’s
inclusion in ICLEI publications alongside global reference cases such as
Copenhagen and Amsterdam (ICLEI, 2016) positioned Sorocaba as an emerging model
of climate governance among medium-sized cities in the Global South. This
international recognition has been reinforced by domestic achievements.
Sorocaba is one of the pioneer municipalities in Brazil’s PCS, and in 2023, it
ranked first in the state of São Paulo in the PMVA, confirming its leadership
at the subnational level in environmental and climate policies. This dual
validation – external and internal – combined with the city’s strategic efforts
to institutionalize climate action through GHG inventories, risk analyses, and
action plans, has contributed to its recognition as a national leader in the
implementation of SDG 13. As a local and national, its experience illustrates
how municipalities can leverage global urban agendas to drive local
transformations. The city’s commitment to SDG 13 highlights the crucial role of
cities in implementing the 2030 Agenda.
However, the relational
methodology used in this study revealed that policy transfer is not a mere
exercise in replication but a complex process of adaptation and implementation.
Sorocaba’s leadership demonstrates that, beyond adopting global targets, the city
also seeks to engage the community in these discussions, positioning itself as
a reference, positioning its policies as best practices in the Brazilian
context. In other MRS municipalities, however, this dynamism occurs only
partially and in a heterogeneous manner. The capacity for adaptation varies
according to the existing institutional structure of each municipality, often
limited by a shortage of human and technical resources, especially in smaller
municipalities.
The alignment of widely
disseminated global practices faces challenges due to the predominance of
municipal-scale governance and planning instruments. However, some initiatives,
such as the Regional Climate Change Forums, the MRS Charter for Climate Change
Response, and the Special Thematic Chamber on Climate Change, indicate recent
progress in metropolitan governance. The COVID-19 pandemic and the increasing
frequency of extreme climate events have reconfigured political priorities,
encouraging subnational actors to intensify paradiplomatic collaborations,
particularly through virtual events and transnational networks.
Sorocaba’s efforts, along with the
"Our MRS" project and the training course on urban planning tools,
highlight the importance of interinstitutional partnerships in subnational
governance. The collaboration between municipal government, AGEM-MRS,
educational institutions, and the local community strengthens the
implementation of public policies and expands social participation in the
climate agenda. In this regard, the emphasis on technical capacity-building, as
evidenced by the training course offered by AGEM-MRS, underscores the need to
foster well-informed and technically skilled human capital for sustainable
urban planning (Barbi et al., 2024). Education is a pillar of sustainable
development, providing the skills needed to interpret and implement policies
effectively, while the interaction between experts and municipal managers
demonstrates a commitment to continuous education, even though it remains
mostly limited to technical enhancement.
By focusing on knowledge
production, co-creation, and its dissemination, it is essential to recognize
that the complexity of reality and global challenges demand rethinking,
redefining, and relearning. This can drive new ideas based on the concept of
social learning, fostering changes in how the environment is approached (Jacobi
et al., 2016). The learning process is essential for transforming how we
perceive reality. One of the biggest challenges is enhancing resilience through
the role played by the learner, the subject being taught, and the potential
physical, biological, social, cultural, and economic changes involved in the
process (Jacobi, 2005). On the other hand, critical education plays a crucial
role in the SDG objectives and the actions of global actors. This is a key
point, as education not only empowers but also aligns discourses and
techniques. The ability to critically question, analyze, and understand global
issues is fundamental for fostering innovation and ensuring the appropriate
landing of ideas.
Furthermore, competition among
cities is another factor influencing the adoption of projects and the language
associated with the SDGs. As central municipalities in metropolitan regions
have more resources and greater institutional capacity to participate in
international projects and attract funding for locally adapted initiatives,
they often hold a strategic advantage over smaller municipalities. In many
cases, access to funding for climate adaptation is highly competitive, particularly
in the Global South, where resources are limited and often allocated based on
institutional capacity, pre-existing networks, and political influence (Burch et
al., 2013; Betsill & Bulkeley, 2006; Granberg & Elander, 2007).
This dynamic results in what some scholars refer to as the "climate
finance divide", where well-connected municipalities secure most
investments due to their networks, which also help them attract international
funding, while smaller cities struggle to access similar opportunities (Anguelovski
& Carmin, 2011; Kern, 2019).
Although intermunicipal
cooperation is a fundamental aspect of climate governance, the reality of
financial constraints makes regional competition for scarce resources a
recurring phenomenon. In the literature on the subject, studies show that local
governments frequently compete for international funding opportunities,
visibility in global networks, and recognition as climate leaders, which can
lead to prioritizing individual gains over collaborative solutions (Toly,
2008). This competitive logic can reinforce disparities within metropolitan
regions, where central cities consolidate their leadership in climate actions,
while peripheral municipalities struggle to implement adaptation policies due
to limited technical capacity and institutional fragmentation (Bulkeley &
Kern, 2006).
Sorocaba's position within the MRS
(Santana-Chaves, 2025) and its prominence in the urban hierarchy are strongly
reinforced through international agendas. With the consolidation of its institutional
networks and support from other actors and organizations involved in the
implementation of the SDG agenda, Sorocaba mobilizes and develops plans and
resources more effectively than its smaller neighboring municipalities. In our
specific case, it is difficult to determine whether competition is truly
present, as the perceived reality suggests that only a few competitors are
actually engaged in this race.
The metropolitan climate
governance of the MRS faces the challenge of balancing cooperation and
competition. While AGEM-MRS plays an essential role in regional coordination,
barriers still exist for smaller municipalities to fully participate in
decision-making and access the necessary resources for climate adaptation.
Sorocaba’s leadership in the PCS and in the implementation of SDG 13
exemplifies how global agendas can drive local actions, but they also reinforce
urban hierarchies. Ensuring that metropolitan climate governance is both
inclusive and effective requires not only the incorporation of global
frameworks but also the strengthening of regional cooperation to mitigate
inequalities in access to climate resources.
The creation of the Special
Thematic Chamber on Climate Change raises expectations for a deeper debate on
these issues but also calls for a critical reflection on how governance
structures can be redesigned to promote greater regional equity, rather than
reinforcing existing asymmetries.
VI.
FINAL REMARKS
The current study adds to the
literature by elucidating the role of international entities in the form of
global agendas, particularly those centred on environmental issues and climate
action, which are transferred, modified, and implemented in particular metropolitan
contexts. By highlighting the case of Sorocaba and its metropolitan region and
including the ODS-13 agenda, this article enhances the current literature by
providing an analysis of the dynamics involved in the dissemination and
localisation of global sustainability policies in Brazil. Our study adds to the
literature by elucidating the role of international entities in the form of
global agendas, particularly those centred on environmental issues and climate
action, which are transferred, modified, and implemented metropolitan contexts.
The translation of global policies into local contexts, as focused by many
studies, demonstrates the interaction between local and global contexts and
shapes contemporary urban planning and governance practices. Cities are
strategic actors in global climate governance and do not exist in isolation.
Depending on their position in the division of labor, they can play very
different roles in global networks where power dynamics between levels
influence the transfer of ideas, practices and agendas and the ultimate
establishment of policies. The emergence of international networks as
independent and influential actors, as well as the pivotal role of
transnational networks, consultancies, and NGOs, illustrates the shift in how
these entities are perceived. These networks play a crucial role in spreading
innovative practices and public policies, encouraging the adoption of
adaptation actions and the application of ideas in various urban contexts.
The study also highlights the role
of international organisations in building and strengthening these epistemic
networks and communities (Faria, 2018; Haas, 1992), which help shape global
public policies. These organisations not only set goals and policies, but also
set up financial, training, and monitoring mechanisms that influence the
conditions under which metropolitan areas and municipality’s function and align
with international objectives. Metropolitan regions and their plans and
policies can provide spaces for knowledge sharing and governance, which will
advance the inclusion of certain (generally more politically and economically
powerful) municipalities in transnational networks to benefit the entire region
and promote internal trade. In Brazil, where metropolitan governance is often
limited by legal and institutional ambiguities, the role of international
organizations in supporting technical capacity-building and funding
opportunities becomes even more critical. This study demonstrates that
Brazilian metropolitan regions can benefit from structured international
cooperation, reinforcing their ability to implement climate policies despite
existing governance challenges.
In the field of urban studies,
this article highlights the feasibility of ambitious sustainable development
goals while providing practical insights into the alignment between the theory
of sustainable global development and municipal practice. The analysis of MRS
data shows that cities can be leaders in sustainability, even challenging
national and international references in urban planning and management.
However, the implementation of ODS-13 in the MRS does not happen uniformly. The
integration of the metropolitan climate agenda is complicated by institutional
inequality and differences in technical capacity among municipalities. This
scenario emphasises the need for more inclusive strategies and adequate funding
to overcome these obstacles, for which some municipalities turned to
international sources. This study highlights that while leading cities like Sorocaba
can access transnational networks and funding mechanisms, smaller
municipalities within metropolitan regions often struggle to do so. The
findings suggest that fostering metropolitan-scale coordination, with
mechanisms to support smaller municipalities, could help reduce these
disparities and create a more cohesive regional climate strategy.
The observed local initiatives
show a greater focus on environmental education and capacity-building events
for territorial planning, highlighting the significance of a technically
skilled human capital and an informed community. This confirms that education
and training are the cornerstones of such initiatives, with a focus on
providing individuals and organisations with fundamental knowledge. However,
there is still uncertainty over the effectiveness of these measures to ensure
full capacity to understand and implement effective policies, especially in
smaller municipalities. Given the complicated global challenges, it is
imperative that we reconsider and improve learning processes, encourage social
learning, and adopt a transformative approach to environmental issues,
particularly those related to emerging climate change. .
The next steps for the research
could involve ad hoc case studies in other metropolitan regions to compare
approaches and outcomes, giving a more comprehensive view of metropolitan
practices. As well as other themes, such as mobility and housing. In addition,
it would be beneficial to look into local leaders' perceptions and engagement
with regard to already-implemented sustainable policies, as well as their
motivations and interests in the climate agenda. A potential focus could be
public administration and its (continuities) as well as local educational and
research institutions.
Finally, we recommend that future
research take into account the development of analytical frameworks that could
help predict and measure the long-term effects of policies developed from
global agendas, both at the local and metropolitan levels. Strengthening
municipal governance and integration on international networks is not only
desirable, but also necessary to consolidate effective and equitable climate
adaptation and mitigation strategies. For Brazilian metropolises, this means
prioritizing collaborative governance structures that integrate different
scales of decision-making, ensuring that global commitments translate into
concrete local actions. Without effective coordination at the metropolitan
level, climate initiatives risk being unevenly distributed, reinforcing
existing inequalities rather than mitigating them.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We
would like to begin by thanking the editors of this special issue, both for
proposing the dossier and for their careful guidance throughout the entire
process – from the initial call to the final publication of the articles. We
are also deeply grateful to the anonymous peer reviewers for their valuable and
insightful feedback, which greatly contributed to the development of this work.
Through this exchange, we have learned a great deal. We would also like to
thank the Xi'an Jiaotong-Liverpool University's Centre for Culture,
Communication, and Society for their institutional support. The authors
acknowledge the support received from the São Paulo Research Foundation
(FAPESP) through the project “Environmental governance of São Paulo
Macrometropolis in face of climate variability” (grant number 2015/03804-9), as
well as the PhD fellowships (grant numbers 2021/09660-0 and 2022/16640-8). We
are also thankful to the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education
Personnel (CAPES), for the support provided under grant number
88887.501324/2020-00.
Igor Matheus Santana Chaves
ORCID ID
Igor Matheus Santana Chaves 
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3833-9301
Leticia Costa de Oliveira Santos 
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7406-3384
Pedro Roberto Jacobi https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6143-3019
Niklas Werner
Weins https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1345-6720
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