Finisterra
,
L
X
(
129
), 202
5
,
e36393
ISSN: 0430
-
5027
doi: 10.18055/Finis36393
Artigo
Published under the terms and conditions of an Attribution
-
NonCommercial
-
NoDerivatives 4.0 International license.
“
DOWNLOAD HERE
”
AS A VIRTUAL PERFORMANCE IN POLICY MOBILITIES
AND
TRANSNATIONAL URBAN HOUSING MODELS.
THE CASE OF ELEMENTAL AND INCREMENTAL HOUSING
K
AREN
S
AAVEDRA
H
ERNÁNDEZ
1
ABSTRACT
–
Transnational urban housing models, as knowledge
–
practice devices, facilitate the learning,
mediation and translation of policy agendas, ideas and practices. Through their circulation, they frame seemingly
replicable ideas as well as imagina
ries
about
ideal
uses of residential space, which often overlook the conflicts inherent
in the production of space. The mobilisation of these imaginaries is mediated and facilitated through a variety of
informational infrastructures, both in person and, increasingly, virt
ually through digital platforms. Building upon recent
debates that call for attention to policy mobilities produced through digital means, this paper examines how a set of
compact, shareable and comprehensible digital materials, interventions and performan
ces produce and reproduce the
learning, mediation and circulation of specific policy models. In particular, through semi
-
structured interviews and
critical discourse analysis of secondary materials, this paper uses the case of four incremental housing prot
otypes
developed by ELEMENTAL
–
an international architecture firm based in Santiago, Chile, whose director was awarded
the 2016 Pritzker Architecture Prize
–
to demonstrate how expressions such as “open source”, “free to download” and
“download here” cons
titute affective, symbolic and performative practices and resources shaping the learning,
mediation and circulation of incremental housing public policies.
Keywords
:
Transnational u
rban models; policy mobility; virtual performances; incremental housing;
urban
-
housing policy; digital policymaking.
RESUMO
–
“
DOWNLOAD HERE
”
COMO PERFORMANCE VIRTUAL NAS MOBILIDADES DE POLÍTICAS E
MODELOS TRANSNACIONAIS URBANO
–
HABITACIONAIS
. O CASO DA ELEMENTAL E DA HABITAÇÃO INCREMENTAL
.
Os modelos urbanos
-
habitacionais transnacionais, enquanto dispositivos de conhecimento
–
prática, facilitam a
aprendizagem, a mediação e a tradução de agendas políticas, ideias e práticas. Através da sua circulação, enquadram
ideias aparentemente replicáveis
, bem como imaginários sobre usos ideais do espaço residencial, que frequentemente
ignoram os conflitos inerentes aos processos de produção do espaço. A mobilização destes imaginários é mediada e
facilitada por uma variedade de infraestruturas informaciona
is, tanto presenciais como, de forma crescente, virtuais,
através de plataformas digitais. Em consonância com debates recentes que apelam à atenção para as mobilidades de
políticas produzidas por meios digitais, este artigo examina de que forma um conjunto
de materiais digitais compactos,
partilháveis e compreensíveis, bem como intervenções e representações, produzem e reproduzem a aprendizagem, a
mediação e a circulação de modelos políticos específicos. Em particular, através de entrevistas semiestruturada
s e de
uma análise crítica do discurso de materiais secundários, este artigo utiliza o caso de quatro protótipos de habitação
incremental desenvolvidos pela ELEMENTAL
–
uma firma internacional de arquitetura sediada em Santiago do Chile,
cujo diretor foi g
alardoado com o Prémio
Pritzker
de Arquitetura em 2016
–
para demonstrar de que modo expressões
como “código aberto”, “
download
gratuito” e “descarregue aqui” constituem práticas e recursos afetivos, simbólicos e
performativos que moldam a aprendizagem, a
mediação e a circulação de políticas públicas de habitação incremental.
Palavras
-
chave
:
Modelos
urbanos
transnacionais; mobilidade das políticas; performances virtuais; habitação
incremental; política urbano
-
habitacional; formulação digital de políticas.
Recebido: 16
/0
6
/202
4
. Aceite:
01
/
06
/202
5
.
Publicado:
21
/0
7
/2025.
1
Centro de Investigação em Arquitectura, Urbanismo e Design, Faculdade de Arquitectura, Universidade de Lisboa, R. Sá
Nogueira, 1349
-
063, Lisboa, Portugal. E
-
mail:
ksaavedra@gmail.com
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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(12
9
), 202
5
, e
36393
2
HIGHLIGHTS
The digital turn in urban studies and geography highlights the need to examine how urban
knowledge is mobilised and circulated.
Urban models circulate through diverse informational infrastructures, including digital platforms,
where
virtual performances help shape public and political agendas and position transnational
actors.
The incremental housing model exemplifies how open
-
source strategies enable the virtual
circulation of knowledge, while concealing the conflicts inherent in hab
itat production.
1.
INTRODUCTION
The advent of the digital age has transformed the way we understand the world, influencing its
interpretation and breaking down knowledge barriers. This digital turn has also reshaped learning
processes
(Ash
et al.
, 2018)
, enabling individuals to assimilate and process information in an
apparently independent manner
(Rapoport, 2015)
. The new forms that knowledge takes and the ways
it is accessed bring both advantages and complexities, reflected in disputes among various actors, both
intra
-
and extra
-
institution
al, over the discourses and narratives that shape residential habitats. The
narrative act is etymologically linked to the process of sharing knowledge
(Valese & Natta, 2020)
. This
kn
owledge, which lies at the core of the international mobilization of ideas
(McFarlane, 2011)
,
accompanies urban models, which are constructed and mediated through various virtual devices, such
as digital platforms, images, videos and websites. They are exampl
es of what McCann (2008) termed
“informational infrastructures”. In this context, transnational urban models, understood as
knowledge
-
practice devices, are mobilized, facilitating the circulation of particular policy agendas,
ideas and practices. Through t
heir movement, they transmit seemingly replicable ideas
(Temenos
et
al.
, 2019)
as well as exportable imaginaries of ideal residential space uses. However, they often omit
the inherent conflicts in the production of s
uch spaces.
Considering
this, several questions emerge: How do these multiple virtual possibilities shape
the content and form of urban narratives? What strategies do different actors involved in residential
urban space production adopt to ensure their di
scourses permeate public opinion and their ideas are
amplified? What effects does this “mobile artifact” have on the production and reception of knowledge?
To explore possible answers, this article derived from an ongoing doctoral dissertation on the
produ
ction of urban knowledge proposes the hypothesis that global transfer agents
(McCann &
Mahieus, 2021)
, in their role as experts, adopt “virtual na
rrative performances” to persuade audiences
and extend the reach of certain methodologies that reflect a (partial) way of understanding and
addressing an urban phenomenon. These performances materialize in actions aimed at influencing
urban
-
housing policy
but primarily serve to position the emitting agent. They achieve this through the
development of toolkits that package and facilitate the travel of knowledge, simplifying prototypes and
omitting the conflicts inherent in social housing production to promot
e a particular experience as a
“best practice,” relying on the “art of simplification”
(Montero, 2017)
.
Under this premise, the paper examines the milestone of making four incremental housin
g
prototypes
–
developed by the Chile
-
based architecture firm ELEMENTAL, founded and led by
architect Alejandro Aravena
–
available for free download, as a media
-
driven initiative framed within
the context of the international recognition granted by the 20
16 Pritzker Architecture Prize. The firm,
established in 2000, emerged within the context of housing prototype experimentation linked to the
new social housing policy launched in Chile during the early 2000s. Alongside its academic work at
Harvard Universi
ty in the United States and at the Pontificia Universidad Católica in Chile, ELEMENTAL
explored possibilities for housing expansion within the institutional framework set by the Chilean
Ministry of Housing and Urban Development.
The objective is to discurs
ively analyse how the virtual performance of “download here”
operates in relation to these prototypes, conceived as “mobile artifacts” and design formulas for the
expansion of social housing. It also considers their potential future adaptation, which is ro
oted in the
“open source” narrative, as a performance that enabled the dissemination of Aravena’s incremental
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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housing prototypes
-
developed by ELEMENTAL
-
and his approach to building “a good half
-
house”
(Aravena
& Iacobelli
, 201
2
)
.
The study is based on an empirical case situated within Chilean housing policy, focusing on the
role that “digital” narrative performance plays in the learning, mediation
and potential circulation of
one of the types of incremental models, understood as a model of urban
-
housing improvement.
The
article begins by engaging with theoretical arguments grounded in policy mobilities, the digital turn,
and informational infrastruc
tures, which provide a framework for understanding the flow of
knowledge and housing models that shape urban and housing policy
-
making processes. The article
then moves to a contextual section through a retrospective analysis of the configuration of the pi
lot
project for the Quinta Monroy housing complex (2003
–
2004), the seminal prototype of incremental
housing developed by Aravena released in 2016. This latter event is analysed through the lens of
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
(Dijk, 1997;
Foucault, 1970)
which enables
the identification of
underlying narratives in such interventions and the understanding of power strategies that impose
ideas in the construction of the urban realm. The analysis focused on identifying discursive strategies
such as nominalization, presupp
osition, or metaphor, with the aim of demonstrating how the selected
texts contribute to the construction of ideological meanings capable of circulating in an underlying
manner. The selected bodies of text serve as the unit of analysis to examine the discu
rsive structures
that facilitate the validation of expert know
-
how (emitter) in the field of social housing through the
virtual performance of “free download” (amplification medium). Additionally, they help identify the
key concepts that manage to permeate
other expert entities (receiver) with the potential for
replicating the discourse on the incremental model in residential habitat production.
In addition to this analysis, it is proposed a historical
-
situational approach is outlined to
understand the
socio
-
institutional context surrounding the trajectory of the prototype. This involves
the analysis of secondary sources and primary sources in the form of ten semi
-
structured interviews
with key actors, from the three institutional levels involved: the Mi
nistry of Housing and Urban
Development of Chile, the Regional Secretariat of Housing and Urban Development of the Tarapacá
region, the Housing and Urbanization Services of the Tarapacá region
-
where the Quinta Monroy
project is located, as well as profes
sionals involved in the ELEMENTAL firm.
Once this contextual section is complete, the analysis of virtual narrative performance is
conducted using CDA based on three data sets: a) speech of Alejandro Aravena upon receiving the 2016
Pritzker Architecture Pr
ize, aimed at identifying the discursive elements that position and validate him
within the expert circuit; b) press coverage of the milestone of releasing housing prototypes for free
download, focused on detecting the concepts that transcend discourse and
reinforce the narrative of
social housing; and c) the toolkit available on website of ELEMENTAL (elementalchile.cl), to examine
the design mechanisms and narrative surrounding incremental housing. From these elements, the
concepts and ideas mobilized are
drawn and analysed for their impact on specialized media, as well as
their capacity to establish a discourse on social housing production. The paper concludes that digital
platforms and resources, as informational infrastructures, accelerate policy mobilit
y through
persuasive performances that frame projects as universally replicable models
–
accessible with a
simple “download here”
.
2.
POLICY MOBILITY, THE DIGITAL TURN, AND THE ROLE OF INFORMATIONAL
INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE FLOW OF KNOW
-
HOW
One intellectual a
pproach to examine the ways in which policy models and political actors move
across different locales, shaping
–
and simultaneously being shaped by
–
the contexts through which
they travel is that of policy mobilities. This approach seeks to understand how urban policies,
conceived as constellations of ideas, actors, resources, techniques, and their mobilizations, actively
contribute to the production o
f "the urban" (Temenos
et al.
,
2019). In this sense, policy mobilities
studies argue for a relational, processual and socio
-
constructivist approach to theorizing public
policymaking processes
(McCann, 2011
;
McCann & Ward, 2012;
Peck & Theodore, 2010
)
. Central to
policy mobilities studies is the notion that policies are not mechanically transferred between locations;
rather, they are socially constructed, reconfigured and adapted as they move
(McCann & Ward, 2011;
Peck & Theodore, 2010)
.
W
ithin this framework, the concept of informational infrastructures plays a key role in
understanding the socio
-
constructivist and power
-
laden nature involved in the learning, mediation
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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and ultimately translation of public policies elsewhere. Here, accordin
g to the definitional statement
by McCann (2008
, p. 899
), informational infrastructures refer to the range of individuals, institutions,
organizations, and technologies responsible for interpreting, structuring, packaging, and representing
information abou
t best policy practices. He argued that “their function is not merely informative, but
deeply political”. Its use within the framework of this article seeks to uncover the following question:
How do informational infrastructures shape the learning and con
struction of urban and housing public
policies? In this regard, informational infrastructures
–
often materialising as events such as award
ceremonies that confer international recognition
–
create learning opportunities aimed at
disseminating imaginaries
about residential space formation. These are packaged as “best practice”
knowledge that brings people, places, and scales into closer proximity
(Andersson & Cook, 2019)
.
Likewise, such events ar
e shaped by institutional as well as geographical dynamics. These events play
a key role in defining what is considered exemplary practice and in promoting certain initiatives as
replicable and effective. According to
McCann (2004)
professional organizations grant legitimacy to
certain models and cities through reports, awards, and decisions on conference locations.
As
Ward
et
al.
(2025)
note, the policy mobilities literature highlights the crucial role that informational
infrastructures play in the shaping of urban public policies. These infrastructures significantly
influence the trajectories through which policies circulate and are ass
embled. Moreover, they
contribute to the process of policy circulation by providing what
Wood
(2014)
describes as a
somewhat “depoliticised” space
–
one
that supports information flows and enables those engaging
with them to consider innovations beyond their usual frames of reference. In the context of the
research presented here, this concept reinforces the role of informational infrastructures as virtual
and digital devices that shape the circulation of policies and ideas within seemingly neutral and
seductive spaces.
In addition to informational infrastructures, the article also examines the role of agents who
exercise agency in the utilisation of these
infrastructures.
McCann (2011
, p. 114
)
identified three types
of "urban policy transfer agents" educators and trainers, profes
sional organizations, and supralocal
policy entities, as well as the media. Moreover, they are
“
global transfer agents
” (
McCann
& Mahieus,
2021)
or part of the Global Intelligence Corps
(Olds, 2001; Rapoport, 2015; Rimmer, 2002)
composed
of elite firms see
king prestigious projects
(Ward, 2005)
. Their strength lies in persuasion
(Allen, 2003;
Rapoport, 2015)
,
which differs from seduction in that it operates on a relatively symmetrical plane.
Along with various objects, such as presentations and reports, and
spaces like conferences and guided
tours, these infrastructures thus influence which policy mobilities can materialize more easily.
The link between policy mobility, the digital turn, and digital infrastructure, as proposed by
Ward (2024)
offers
new approaches to understanding the relationship between these three domains,
aiming to enhance the analysis of policy circulation phenomena that may occur in digital
environments. In this regard, Ward proposes three intersections: policy mobility
of
the d
igital, policy
mobility
produced by
the digital, and policy mobility
through
the digital. The latter is one of the
intersections this article seeks to contribute to by illustrating it with an empirical case. Expanding on
the reach of the digital in these c
ontexts, virtual performances facilitated by informational
infrastructures enhance the potential circulation and replicability of discourses on urban and housing
policies.
The "digital turn"
(Ash
et al.
, 2018)
is restructuring the policymaking process and
the virtual
acts
both as an object and as a
subject, permeating the production and experience of space. The
networks define what is considered "knowledge"
.
T
echnological devices such as maps, photographs,
videos, and websites
-
materialize policy mobility
(McCann, 2008)
. In this sense, the use of digital tools
reinforces the circulation of experiences consider
ed successful. As
Valese
and
Natta
(2020)
points out,
the use of digital images acts as a device that conveys an imaginary of what is aspired to. Building on
this idea,
Wood (2020)
highlights those tools such as YouTube videos, which disseminate experiences
of urban interventions, function as part of the tracking process through an object (videos, images, etc.),
representing a form of interaction with the urban. Finally,
McFarlane(2011)
reminds us that learning
and teaching are central to the international circulation of ideas, resembling a "sales" process. Thus,
the global exhibition of projects serves branding or public relations objectives, transcending the
tangible, carrying them in
virtual spaces and shaping the debate agenda around urban and housing
policies.
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2.1.
Virtual
p
erformance:
m
obile
m
odels and the
p
otential to
c
reate
p
lace
Virtual performance is conceived as a practice that releases prototypes and configures places
through the integration of technology and human cognition
(Fischer, 2009)
. This act, beyond its
physical dimension, is enhanced by its representation on digital platforms, turning technological
media into performative spaces in themselves
(Auslander, 2008)
. In urban planning, this interaction
often manifests through documents, discourses, and environments that facilitate experiential learning,
driven by the power of audiovisual and conceptu
al resources
(McFarlane, 2011)
. These tools function
as performative technologies that generate and facilitate the circulation of urban policies
(McCann,
2008
;
(
Ward, 2006)
. Moreover, these technologies, as enablers of knowledge mobility, can also
contribute to the creation of affective atmospheres that accompany this movement. Authors such as
McKenzie (2017)
argue that these technologies have an affective power, whose emotionality fosters
manipulation that supports the direction in which certain policies are mobilised. These formulas are
underst
ood as "interfaces" between digitalization and urbanism, reconfiguring the city through data
and models
(Marvin
et al.
, 2015)
. Thus, so
-
called "design formulas" are conceived as mobile devices
-
created for replication in different contexts
-
that encode appar
ently replicable elements (Temenos
et
al.
, 2019). Far from being isolated infrastructures, that is, structures that do not create connections
and are generated in an endogamous manner, they are understood as relational entities that emerge
from multiple in
teractions
(Easterling, 2021)
, designing both action and interaction
(Agamben, 2011)
.
Their circulation is based on narratives that transform abstract ideas into concrete realities
(Rapoport,
2015)
, allowing performance to act as a mediator and tell a cohe
rent story of how to inhabit space.
2.2.
The
d
ownloadable
d
igital
p
rototype:
a
"
c
onflict
-
f
ree"
n
arrated
h
istory
The narrative dimension, inseparable from the digital environment
(
Valese
&
Natta
, 2020)
, acts
as a political mechanism
(Ortiz, 2023)
that legitimizes certain visions of the city and justifies spatial
interventions. To understand these narratives,
Sandercock (2003)
suggests examining the position of
extra
-
institutional actors, whose perspectives challenge the neutrality of urban histories. Replicable
policies emerge by stripping them of their
local complexity and converting them into generic solutions
(Peck & Theodore, 2010)
, appealing to global values such as sustainability or i
nclusion
(McCann &
Ward, 2011)
, and employing narrative codes and mobilizing their affective power to evoke empathy
and persuade policymakers
(McKenzie, 2017
;
Montero, 2018)
. Replicability is reinforced through
persuasive virtual representations, as the so
-
called “cappuccino
”
images
(
Rapoport, 2015
, p.
321) who
describes scenes that conceal conflicts and diversity, promoting decontextualized prototy
pes. Thus,
narration highlights certain elements while silencing others
(González, 2011; Peck, 2011)
, revealing
the political weight behind storytelling. Digital mediation transforms urban imagination by relying on
data that articulate cognitive capacities
, objects, and technologies
(
Valese & Natta
, 2020)
. The case of
ELEMENTAL, driven by the Pritzker Architecture Prize, exemplifies the adoption of open
-
source
strategies to disseminate prototypes.
An
gelidou (2015)
indicates that these dynamic leverages
collaborative logic to mobilize "smart" models. ELEMENTAL and Aravena reinforce such values
through a performance that promotes accessible urban imaginaries. Narration is not neutral; it is a
politic
al instrument that articulates urban interests and aspirations.
3.
HOUSING POLICIES IN CHILE:
FROM QUANTITY TO QUALITY
According to estimates from the 1992 population census, at the beginning of the 1990s, the
quantitative housing deficit exceeded 900,000
units, representing approximately 29% of the total
housing stock (
Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo
, 2024). This gap was primarily due to restrictions
imposed by the military dictatorship since 1973 on the development of informal settlements, which
led t
o the phenomenon of "allegados" (cohabiting relatives), considered one of the most pressing
housing issues at the time (
Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo / División Técnica de Estudio y
Fomento Habitacional
, 1993). According to the National Socioeconomic
Characterization Survey
(CASEN), 42.4% of households were affected by “allegamiento”, meaning they housed another
household or family unit. Faced with this situation and the risk that a new wave of informal settlements
could provoke political and economic
instability, the “Concertación por la Democracia” government,
which took office in 1990 after the end of the military dictatorship, launched new housing plans aimed
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at providing solutions to as many beneficiaries as possible in a short period. One of the k
ey innovations
of this period was the Progressive Housing Program (PVP), specifically targeted at “allegados” and
homeless individuals. Thanks to the PVP and other initiatives by the Ministry of Housing and Urban
Development (MINVU), by the early 1990s, th
e country's annual housing production surpassed the
formation of new households. This led to "a significant reduction in both the quantitative and
qualitative housing deficit in the following decades"
(Greene,
2004
,
p.13)
.
Although Chil
e’s housing provision model was considered successful in the Latin American
context due to its ability to reduce the quantitative deficit, it generated new vulnerabilities in later
decades due to rapid urban and housing deterioration. Issues such as urban
segregation, lack of
infrastructure and services, and the peripheral location of housing developments resulted in severe
deficits in social and urban integration. This highlighted the urgent need to evaluate and intervene in
the existing housing stock, par
ticularly in the units built in the 1980s and early 1990s. As a result,
institutional efforts began shifting the urban
-
housing policy focus from quantity to quality,
demonstrating that while the quantitative deficit persisted, it had been institutionally c
ontrolled,
whereas the rapid deterioration of homes and their urban environments remained a critical issue. As
part of these wider ambitions, two key programs emerged in the 1990s: “Chile Barrio” and the Debt
-
Free Dynamic Social Housing Program (VSDSD)
(Hi
dalgo Dattwyler
et al.
, 2019; Raposo, 1999;
Rodríguez & Sungranyes, 2005).
The Chile Barrio Program (1997
-
2005) focused on relocating informal settlements
(campamentos), one of Chile’s greatest urban and housing challenges after the return to democracy in
1990. Its objective was to “contribute to overcoming poverty among residents of precarious
settlements by providing alternatives to significantly improve their housing conditions, habitat
quality, and opportunities for social and labour integration” (
Direc
ción de Presupuestos
, 2007). This
program aimed to improve housing and settlement environments, ensuring access to basic services
such as potable water, sanitation, and electricity, enhancing access to urban infrastructure and
services, and guaranteeing le
gal security over housing ownership. Chile Barrio coordinated
interventions across multiple sectors, incorporating elements such as community facilities, job
creation, and improvements in health and education, with a stronger emphasis on beneficiary
partic
ipation
(Greene,
2004
. p. 18)
. Unlike other urban programs led by the Ministry of Housing and
Urban Development (MINVU), “Chile Barrio” stood out for its strong territorial focus, aiming to trigger
comprehensive improvements in families' quality of life.
The housing component of the
Chile Barrio Program was supported by the VSDSD, which
continued the model of the PVP. This program included a subsidy for housing project locations and
guaranteed access to goods and services. Its primary goal was to provide housing for the most
vulnerabl
e sectors, those unable to access credit, through a state subsidy complemented by family
savings, allowing them to acquire homes designed for incremental expansion according to household
needs. Both programs worked in a coordinated manner to relocate “camp
amento” residents. For
example, as part of a pilot program launched in 1997, both Chile Barrio and VSDSD worked together
to intervene in 20 informal settlements across the country. Within this political and institutional
framework, the Quinta Monroy social
housing project in Iquique was developed, designed by Alejandro
Aravena and his firm ELEMENTAL. This project was conceived as a pilot experiment to test
incremental housing under institutional constraints, aligning with the "planned incrementality"
typolo
gy
(Green
e
& González
, 2012)
. From 2006 onwards, Chile's urban
-
housing policy
–
having
established a narrative shift toward existing housing stock
–
introduced the “Urban and Housing Policy
for Quality Improvement and
Social Integration” (
Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo
, 2009). This
policy marked the beginning of a new era in urban and housing policies, prioritizing participatory
processes in residential project development, better locations, and improved access to u
rban goods
and services to reduce the inequities inherited from the "successful quantitative policy of previous
decades".
Currently, Chile’s housing deficit stands at 7.9% of households (
Ministerio de Desarrollo Social
y Familia
, 2022). Meanwhile, the
qualitative deficit accounts for approximately 20% of the total
housing stock. The focus on housing quality led to the creation of additional urban and housing
programs aimed at helping families improve their homes and built environments. These initiatives
have contributed to institutional knowledge on urban
-
housing quality strategies, which have
transcended national borders and influenced global housing policies.
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3.1.
Incrementality in
h
ousing as a
t
ransnational
u
rban
m
odel and
i
ts
i
nstitutionalization as
a
m
ethodology
Incrementality in housing is conceived as a housing design strategy, primarily framed within the
social production of habitat, which gained relevance in Latin America during the 1960s and 1970s
(Turner, 1978)
. At that time, Turner research advocated for self
-
construction as an e
ssential strategy
for progressive housing in low
-
income neighbourhoods across Latin America. Beyond recognizing the
self
-
construction methodologies of informal settlements, Turner was the first to highlight the
importance of inhabitants in defining their l
iving spaces. He adapted his ideas for the developed world,
shifting the focus from self
-
construction as a value to housing as a social activity
(Boyars & Turner,
1976)
. In this context, he emphasized that housing is not a finished product but an evolving process
dependent on each user, ultimately shaping spaces based on t
heir experiences, needs, and lifestyles
-
contrasting with standardized housing regulations (Naranjo, 2022).
In Europe, incrementality also emerged, particularly in post
-
war contexts. A key reference is
(Habraken, 1972)
, whose proposal distinguished between the support structure (fixed element
) and
separable units (flexible elements) to enable progressive housing adaptation over time. The Latin
American tradition of habitat construction has been crucial in consolidating incremental housing.
Initiatives such as “Operation PREVI” (Experimental Ho
using Project) in Lima, Peru, set fundamental
precedents. Similarly, in Chile, institutionalized experiences of Progressive Housing emerged, with
significant contributions from architects like Fernando Castillo Velasco, including the self
-
built
neighbourho
od of La Reina (Santiago, 1965) and the Andalucía Community (1990), an example of
progressive architecture.
Chilean architect and urban planner Joan Mac Donald was instrumental in institutionalizing
incrementality in Chile during the 1980s and 1990s. A pi
oneer in Progressive Housing studies, she
acted as the ideologue and coordinator of Chile
’
s first governmental housing and urban planning
program following the return to democracy in 1990. To build many homes with minimal resources, it
was concluded that h
ouses needed to be capable of expansion
(Palmer & Vergara, 1990).
This
approach allowed more families to be accommodated with the same investment. It was a crucial
political decision that radically transformed Chile
’
s affordable housing landscape.
In essen
ce, incrementality is an integrated strategy that seeks an evolutionary and lasting
housing typology, balancing industrialized construction for structural elements with individual
appropriation in shaping living spaces
(Rangel, 2016)
. According to
Green
e
and González
(2012),
Chile
’
s incremental housing experience is broad and diverse, classified into three traditional types: i)
Informal Construction, self
-
built homes without state support,
later regularized by programs like the
Neighbourhood Improvement Program (PMB). ii) Planned Incremental Housing, where the
government provides basic units to low
-
income groups, allowing for expansion, as seen in programs
like the Progressive Housing Progra
m (PVP). iii) Unplanned Incremental Housing, involving self
-
construction after receiving a basic unit, such as the Basic Housing Program (PVB) in Chile, the largest
-
scale intervention for low
-
income groups in the 1980s, is a key example.
Planned Incrementa
l Housing involves delivering a basic unit or "core structure" to families,
allowing for progressive self
-
built expansion based on their needs and resources. This classification
frames the case study of this research. The first project in which Alejandro A
ravena tackled the
challenge of incrementality was the 103
-
unit Quinta Monroy complex in Iquique in 2001. While its
aesthetic and construction quality have been debated two decades after its inauguration, it is
important to recognize that
“
this is the mani
festation of an idea, not a masterpiece
”
(McGuirk, 2014)
.
For his part,
Naranjo (2022)
, argues that Quinta Monroy represents an approach that reclaims
architecture as a
tool, moving away from its comfort as an autonomous discipline to make it more
human. He highlights that the project should be seen as a demonstration of self
-
construction
’
s
potential rather than a threat of deterioration. Incrementality, as a mobile urban
housing model, has
developed as a design strategy for expanding social housing. It should be understood as an
architectural assemblage that, while providing a partially controlled structural framework, does not
impose a fixed image. Rather than seeking a
uniform solution, its goal is to reflect the diversity and
complexity of the inhabited city.
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4.
THE EXPERT AGENT: ELEMENTAL AND "INNOVATION" AS A MESSAGE
As part of the new management model, design process, and the i
nnovation
-
driven approach
being
pursued, external expert agents were introduced into the institutional framework. Their
involvement was intended to provide visibility and establish key milestones in the "new" way of
designing social housing from Chile. At that time, Alejandro Aravena, th
e architect responsible for the
architectural design of the project, had not yet gained the international recognition he would achieve
in later years. His participation as an external expert agent in the design of Quinta Monroy was
facilitated through his
personal network, developed during his time as a student and academic at
Harvard University (USA) and the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. In this regard, the National
Director of the Chile Barrio Program at the time stated:
I
received an Outlook
email
(…)
from the Ministry saying that the architect Alejandro
Aravena, who nobody knew at the time,
(…)
would be presenting a proposal called
“
Densification Without Overcrowding
”
in the Ministry
’
s auditorium
.
(Director of the
Chile Barrio Program, perso
nal communication, February 3, 2023)
This is certainly an example of informational infrastructure, where such a proposal caught the
interest of those coordinating the Pilot Program, leading to the direct commissioning of Quinta Monroy
as an initiative to p
romote innovation:"
(…)
Innovations cannot simply be submitted as proposals;
rather, they must be processes in which the State facilitates the conditions for the prototype
’
s
implementation. Scaling must then take place through regular channels." (Director
of the Chile Barrio
Program, personal communication, February 3, 2023)
.
4.1.
The
d
esign of the
i
ncremental
h
ousing
p
rototype as an
e
xperiment
At Harvard University, Aravena developed an incremental housing prototype, inspired by
debates on social housing des
ign in Chile in the early 2000s. Together with other academics from the
Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, he founded ELEMENTAL, an architecture firm dedicated to
improving social conditions by working in infrastructure, public spaces, and housing.
The firm carries
out experimental projects aimed at serving marginalized communities in countries such as Chile and
Mexico. The firm is based on the following premises: a) testing projects at a collective scale, rather than
just at the unit level. b) build
ing full
-
scale prototypes to counter scepticism about academic work, c)
accepting market rules to facilitate project replication, d) involving communities in defining housing
needs.
Regarding this approach, one of the partners of Aravena at ELEMENTAL noted
: “(…)
There was
a mix of opinions and observations regarding social housing
(…)
and Alejandro realized there was
great value in designing housing for the poorest
(…)”
(Team member at ELEMENTAL, personal
communication, March 28, 2023).
Aravena summarized h
is philosophy as follows: "Creating elemental architecture is an
intellectual merit issue
(…)
qu
ality over professional charity
"
(Aravena
& Iacobelli
,
201
2
, p. 32)
.
Fig. 1
–
Diagram "Parallel Building."
Fig. 1
–
Diagrama "Parallel Building."
Source:
Aravena
& Iacobelli
, (201
2
)
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4.2.
From
d
esign to
i
mplementation
Quinta Monroy, located in central Iquique (Tarapacá region), covered 0.5 hectares occupied for
30 years by around 100 families. Its privileged location near services increased land costs (three
times
the usual price for social housing). However, avoiding relocation to the periphery was a priority
(Aravena
et al.
, 2013):
“
Quinta Monroy
(…)
had precarious architecture but was very interesting,
(…)
two
-
story houses had already been built
(…)
it was like a shantytown
(…)
” (Director of the Chile Barrio
Program, personal communication, February 3, 2023).
The Ministry of Housing and Urbanism (MINVU) required the following conditions for the
project:
Rehousing all 103 families on the same land;
adhering to the VSDSD program, with a
base unit of 36m², expandable over time and ensuring community participation and
good location:
T
here were 103 families
(…)
with existing designs
(…)
either we built
detached houses and only 30 families could stay
(…)
or we built higher
-
density
structures
that exceeded funding standards.
(Director of the Chile Barrio Program,
personal c
ommunication, February 3, 2023)
Fig. 2
–
Quinta Monroy prior to the housing project developed by ELEMENTAL.
Colour figure available
online
.
Fig. 2
–
Quinta Monroy antes do projeto desenvolvido pela ELEMENTAL.
Figura a cores disponível
online
.
Source: Aravena
& Iacobelli
.
(201
2
)
To meet these requirements, ELEMENTAL applied the incremental housing model, opting for
higher density to lower land costs and allow for future home expansions (fig. 3).
Fig. 3
–
Quinta Monroy.
Colour figure available online
.
Fig. 3
–
Quinta Monroy.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source: The Architectural Review
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4.3.
Seeking
r
eplicability of the
Quinta Monroy
i
ncremental
h
ousing as a “
m
odel”
At the end of 2004, the Quinta Monroy housing complex was inaugurated. From that moment,
ELEMENTAL itself took
on the challenge of scaling the model and making it replicable in other cities
across Chile, allowing it to be tested in diverse geographies, topographies, climates, and communities.
An international competition was organized in collaboration with the Harv
ard Graduate School
of Design and the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University to design
and build seven housing complexes across Chile (Conicyt, 2003). Funded by Chile
´s
Innovation and
Technology Transfer Fund (FONDEF / CO
NICYT), with support from the School of Architecture and
Engineering at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, alongside a network of private
organizations and companies, the competition secured $500,000 USD to begin developing the winning
prototype
s in seven locations nationwide. The competition marked a key milestone for the replicability
of the model, functioning as a
“
rhetorical device
”
to extend the strategy beyond Chilean and even Latin
American architectural circuits. The presence of renowned
international figures on the jury elevated
the model, transforming it into a narrative
tool that,
told the story of innovation in social housing
.
This
positioned Quinta Monroy as a key reference in international debates on architectural design and
social h
ousing.
This recognition and the growing prestige of the Quinta Monroy project, supported by a private
-
sector network, enabled its international positioning
-
from Harvard
´s
Graduate School of Design to the
Rockefeller Foundation, as well as within Chile
´s
national network, with backing from the Pontificia
Universidad Católica de Chile. For these institutions, it was symbolically important to showcase how
public
-
private partnerships were engaging in social housing provision, framing it as a profitable
marke
t niche. In this regard, scholars such as
Yen (2021)
argue that social housing designed by
starchitects could become a new market for architects seeking to enhance their recognition while
applying a façade of social consciousness to their brand.
Thus, behind the strategy of replicability lies
not only a design methodology but also a paradigm shifts in how housing is produced within a
neoliberalized state and policy framework. For
Boano and Perucich (2016),
Aravena
’s
project is merely
a reproductio
n of the neoliberal status quo, reinforcing the architect
-
as
-
savior narrative, where design
is framed as the solution to social problems.
4.4.
Paradoxes in the
d
esign of
Quinta Monroy
and the
e
volution of the
h
ousing
c
omplex 20
y
ears
a
fter
i
ts
c
onstruction
According to a team member at ELEMENTAL, the FONDEF/CONICYT competition successfully
explored the development of projects that prioritized collective and large
-
scale approaches:
“
(...) One
of the successes that we believe in, which we later reinforced thro
ugh design, was introducing the
collective space between the private (which was the housing itself) and the public space, these
courtyards, like micro
-
condominiums.
”
(Team member at ELEMENTAL, personal communication,
March 28, 2023).
However, criteria rela
ted to local relevance were overlooked. Regarding this, a professional
architect from SERVIU (Servicio de Vivienda y Urbanización) in Iquique, warns:
One aspect that was not considered is that, in the city of Iquique, being a free
-
trade zone
(...), it is
very easy to own a vehicle. So, it must be chaotic for people to park their cars
inside the complex, which
must be quite problematic
.
(Personal communication,
February 14, 2023)
.
Another informant recalls: “Regulatory exceptions were made regarding the min
imum parking
requirements within the complex (...)”.
Millones
Segovia
(2017)
, points out that
although
“
half
-
houses
”
were intended to allow families to complete them according to their needs, challenges arose due to the
lack of a multidimensional approach and the integration of multiple stakeholders.
Additionally, while
it was expected that organiz
ing homes around collective courtyards would foster harmonious
coexistence, in practice:
“
(...) The courtyards now contain parked cars, some abandoned, competing
for play space (...).
”
(Resident of Quinta Monroy, personal communication, March 20, 2023
; fig
. 4
).
Cociña & Boano
(2013)
question whether, instead of deco
mmodifying housing, Aravena’s
proposal reinforces neoliberal structures and class inequality.
Yen (2021)
, warns that the absence of
a political discussion around housing perpetuates the neoliberal ideology, shifting housing
responsibility to the
market. Thus, property ownership is presented as the ideal solution, yet without
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addressing the state's obligations, ultimately legitimizing the scarcity of public funding (Boano &
Perucich, 2016).
Fig. 4
–
Contrast of the initial situation of the
Quinta Monroy project at the time of its inauguration in 2003
(left)
versus the current situation
in 2016
(right).
Colour figure available online
.
Fig. 4
–
Contraste da situação inicial do projeto Quinta Monroy aquando da sua inauguração em 2003
(esquerda)
versus a situação em 2016 (
direita).
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
https://www.archdaily.com/10775/q
uinta
-
monroy
-
elemental/50102de228ba0d4222000ff5
-
quinta
-
monroy
-
elemental
-
image?next_project=no
and
Millones Segovia
(
201
7,
p.70
)
The Quinta Monroy experience demonstrated the effectiveness of a model that involved the
initial delivery of a basic house, with the possibility of expanding the built area over time. This initiative
became a reference for innovation and influenced various
subsequent projects within the sector in
Chile. One of the paradigmatic cases following Quinta Monroy in Chile was the housing complex for
families known as "La Toma de Peñalolén" in Santiago. Like Quinta Monroy, this project was part of
the so
-
called "ne
w housing policy," which emphasized good location, quality public spaces, and
housing value apprecia
tion through future expansion (f
ig.
5). In addition to pro
j
ects of ELEMENTAL,
Chile has relevant experiences that preceded or consolidated incrementality. A
mong them are the
initiatives of Fernando Castillo Velasco, such as the self
-
built neighborhood of La Reina (Santiago,
1965) and, notably, the Comunidad Andalucía (1990). These proposals illustrate the integration of
community participation with progressiv
e housing growth, enhancing quality of life and social
cohesion. The influence of incrementality extends beyond Chilean borders, as evidenced by
emblematic Latin American experiences.
Fig. 5
–
Casas Chubi. Housing Complex for Families from the Former
Peñalolén Settlement. Architect: Víctor
Gubbins. Original Housing and Expanded Housing.
Colour figure available online
.
Fig. 5
–
Casas Chubi. Conjunto Habitacional para Famílias do Antigo Assentamento Peñalolén. Arquiteto: Victor
Gubbins. Habitação Original e Habitação Ampliada.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
https://tici11bricenov.wordpress.com/2011/03/16/casas
-
chubi/
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Between 2004 and 2008, various projects emerged based on ELEMENTAL’s principles, including
two in Renca, one in Lo Barnechea, and others through collaborations with Fundac
ión Techo, which
later developed independent models. The internationalization of ELEMENTAL’s approach
materialized through the Monterrey project in Mexico, carried out in 2007, marking ELEMENTAL’s
first international collaboration in this field:
Monterrey,
among the typologies we developed, is ultimately the closest to Quinta
Monroy. In the case of Monterrey, the construction cost was $20,000 per house in a
context where houses typically cost $50,000. Later, upon completion, the value adjusted
to match mark
et rates based on lo
cation in the Mexican context.
(Team member at
ELEMENTAL, personal
communication, March 28, 2023)
In 2009, the Chilean forestry company ARAUCO commissioned ELEMENTAL to develop a
housing project (fig. 6) as part of an employee assistance plan, facilitating access to permanent housing.
The firm designed housing typologies under the program that succeede
d the Dynamic Debt
-
Free Social
Housing Program, known as the Solidarity Housing Fund I (financing homes up to $26,000) and
Solidarity Housing Fund II (homes up to $40,000). The design was donated by the company as a form
of subsidy (Aravena
et al.
, 2013).
Fig. 6
–
V
i
ll
a
Verde Project, ELEMENTAL
–
Forestal Arauco, Maule Region, Chile.
Colour figure available online
.
Fig. 6
–
V
i
ll
a
Verde Projeto, ELEMENTAL
–
Forestal Arauco, Região de Maule, Chile.
Figura a cores disponível
online.
Source:
https://www.archdaily.com/447381/villa
-
verde
-
housing
-
elemental
4.5.
The
P
ritzker
a
rchitecture
p
rize and the
f
ree
d
ownload
In 2016, Alejandro Aravena was awarded the Pritzker
Architecture Prize, marking a turning
point in his career. While the prize recognizes a broad body of work developed by an architect, one of
the key reasons for awarding him the honor was his role in addressing a problem that, until then,
seemed distant fr
om the world of star architects: social housing.
In the award announcement by the Hyatt Foundation, the following statement was highlighted:
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“
(Alejandro Aravena) practices architecture as an artistic endeavor in private commissions and
public designs and e
mbodies the revival of a
more socially engaged architect
”
(Pritzker
Prize, 2016)
Aravena
’
s status as a Pritzker Architecture Prize laureate was considered by many to be a
significant milestone for the future of architecture in relation to social responsibi
lity (Yen, 2021).
However, it can also be interpreted as a moment that, while recognizing his work in social housing
design and its challenges, places it within a mainstream architectural circuit that risks overlooking the
structural conflicts inherent in
one of the fundamental pillars of well
-
being: housing.
During the award ceremony, Aravena announced the free virtual release of the blueprints for
four incremental housing prototypes from his fir
m’
s website. These prototypes
(fig.7)
, developed by
ELEMENTAL
, included: Villa Verde (Chile), Lo Barnechea (Chile), Quinta Monroy (Chile) and
Monterrey (Mexico).
The objective of this release, according to ELEMENTAL, was a
“
gesture
”
to showcase their work
and project narrative:
Uploading the housing typologies goes hand in hand with the award that Alejandro
received, the Pritzker
(…)
not as an act of responsibility, nor as a way of giving back for
the prize. It was more about: how do we take advantage of the media momentum? And
s
ay: these typologies were built, they were developed by a real estate company, they
were built by a construction firm, subsidized in some cases
(…)
. (Team member at
ELEMENTAL, personal communication, March 28, 2023)
This performance allows for the construc
tion of narratives and mental maps of good and bad
policies, cities, and neighbourhoods, while simultaneously disseminating and popularising the findings
of the experts and organisations. In this regard, the Pritzker Architecture Prize garnered significant
media attention, as the free download strategy was framed within the concept of open
-
source
architecture. In theory, free access to these prototypes would enable users to replicate the models and
improve them through an adaptive process.
5.
CASE ANALYSIS:
T
HE VIRTUAL NARRATIVE PERFORMANCE
The analysis of the free download milestone, as a virtual narrative performance and the central
object of study in this research, was carried out with an emphasis on three sets of data: i) Alejandro
Aravena
’
s speech upon
receiving the Pritzker Architecture Prize in 2016, to identify the discursive
elements that position and validate him within the expert circuit, ii) the download toolkit presented
on his firm website to analyse the architectural design devices and their n
arrative, and iii) press
articles covering the milestone of releasing housing prototypes for free download, to identify the flow
of ideas amplified by the media and any new ideas emerging from the reinterpretation of the
performative action
(table I)
.
Table I
–
Summary of Analysis Elements by Type of Agent and Data Corpus.
Quadro I
–
Resumo dos Elementos de Análise por Tipo de Agente e Corpus de Dados.
Data Body
Agent Role
Analysis Elements
Alejandro Aravena's
Speech
Emitter
Discursive strategies of
persuasion and validation
Housing Prototype
Download Toolkit
Mediation Device
Conceptual strategy, design
devices, and their narrative
Press Releases on
Prototype Release
Receiver
Flow of received and amplified
ideas and concepts
5.1.
The
d
iscourse
i
: "
s
ome of our projects require a level of dedication and innovation that
neither the market nor governments are willing or prepared to support"
The analysis of Data Corpus 1 reveals, in summary, the recurrent use of discursive strategies
aimed at legitimizin
g positioning and validation as an expert who mediates between two forces that
seem not to engage in dialogue: the state and the market. There is a predominant use of metaphors of
tension between private and public agents, reinforcing a narrative of urgenc
y and the justification of
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exceptional measures under which he has operated throughout his career, mainly in public housing
matters. This reinforces the idea of experimentation, which has remained present since the initial
design of the Quinta Monroy pilot
project (2000
-
2004) in collaboration with academic networks at
Harvard University in the United States and the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile.
The key concepts inferred from his discourse include: the emphasis on architecture as a
transformative
discipline capable of improving people's quality of life through innovative projects;
efficiency in resource utilization and cost
-
effectiveness in housing design; and the importance of
collaborative and collective work. In a context where the market and go
vernments do not always
support disruptive solutions, Aravena underscores the need for innovation and creativity. He positions
architecture as a public good and housing as the product of participatory processes that grant dignity.
Furthermore, he highlight
s open source as a collaborative strategy, assuming a continuous
improvement of the initial incremental model proposed.
5.2.
Download
t
oolkit
ii
: "32.4 megabytes: compact, shareable, comprehensible"
The second data corpus corresponds to the toolkit made
available for free download from the
ELEMENTAL website immediately after Aravena was awarded the Pritzker Architecture Prize in 2016.
Through this, the aim is to analyse design strategies and underlying narratives.
This toolkit consists of
information on f
our incremental housing projects developed by the ELEMENTAL office between 2003
and 2013. Each package, compressed in “.rar” format for download, was named ABC Vivienda
–
Incremental
–
Housing and contains a set of documents: 1) navigation letter, 2) blueprints, 3)
document summarizing project characteristics, such as the number of housing units, location, etc.
1) Navigation Letter: the document explains the housing shortage crisis and
places the ability of
people to build their own homes at the center of the solution, alongside the capacities of governments
and the market. This idea is framed as a "collaboration" between different stakeholders. In Table II,
the elements that construct t
he discourse reflected in the roadmap letter are succinctly highlighted,
demonstrating the simplification of the message and the provision of elements designed to make the
components of the housing prototype comprehensible and replicable, such as the use o
f OpenSource
as a mechanism to integrate key agents in solving the
problem (see t
able I
I
). Additionally, the
document explicitly outlines the rules for designing effective incremental housing as a response to
resource scarcity.
Table II
–
Discursive Synth
esis of the Navigation Letter as Part of the Downloadable Toolkit
.
Quadro II
–
Síntese Discursiva da Carta de Navegação como Parte do Kit de Ferramentas para Download
.
Key Concept in the Toolkit
Citation within the Toolkit
Opensource
Central
positioning
of the OpenSource
concept
as a
strategy
to
channel
the
resolution
of the
housing problem
by
bringing together
the
elements
/
agents
involved
in the "Housing Provision"
issue
.
"Given the magnitude of the housing shortage problem, we
cannot solve the challenge
without incorporating people's
own construction capacity as a resource, alongside the
capacities of governments and the market. That is why we
have conceived an OPEN SYSTEM capable of channeling all
the forces at play. In this way, people will be part of
the
solution and not the problem" (ELEMENTAL, 2016).
Incrementality
Incrementality is assumed as the
solution to the resource scarcity in
housing provision.
"To address scarcity, we propose a principle of
INCREMENTALITY."
Good location
Provision of a
"design key" formula for
housing, highlighting location, housing
density, structural design strategy,
customization of incremental growth,
and establishing a maximum family limit
to ensure, hypothetically, the success of
the project in community agreements
.
"GOOD LOCATION: Projects should be dense enough to afford
well
-
located and valuable land. Harmonious growth over
time” (…) “The first half of the house should be strategically
built (…) so that expansion happens because of the design,
not despite it”. (…
) “Urban design: (…) limit of 25 families, to
maintain social agreements”.
Middle
-
class
DNA
It highlights the social aspirations of
organized groups seeking a housing
solution. It places the social ascent of the
middle class at the centre, portraying
housing that is capable of
accommodating all transformations in
family composition, which are reflected
in the design.
Pre
-
build the structure for the final growth stage (middle
-
class standard), not just the initial phase.
MIDDLE
-
CLASS DNA (…) The final
design should allow at
least 72 m² (4 bedrooms, 8m wide structure), with space for
closets or a double bed, bathrooms located away from the
entrance (…).
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The use of this discursive strategy accentuates the need to present a universal housing solution
thro
ugh a "recipe" approach. The concepts of "public knowledge" and "open source" are emphasized
to highlight the accessibility and democratization of information being made available.
Although the discourse is framed as a design strategy recipe, it is reaffir
med that these designs
are part of specific projects and must be adapted to their respective contexts. The authors claim that
these are proven designs, models based on experience and demonstrated success.
2) Blueprints: For each project, a set of files is
provided, including floor plans, technical
specifications, and an urban site plan. Each blueprint is accompanied by the following disclaimer:
The plan drawings in this document were created for a specific location and according
to the regulations in effect
at the time of their development. ELEMENTAL authorizes
the use of these blueprints as a guide for the development of housing projects, provided
that qualified professionals modify and adapt these designs to the construction and
regulatory conditions of ea
ch location. ELEMENTAL assumes NO responsibility for the
built projects and DOES NOT grant the right to use the ELEMENTAL brand in their
dissemination, commercialization, or any related product.
(
©2016 ELEMENTAL Some
Rights Reserved
)
The ELEMENTAL website,
as part of the design of the virtual performance, and the elements that
the component and from which this information was obtained, only provided access to the four
housing prototype downloads, with no additional publicly available information. The interf
ace
contained just two options: "Download Here" button, and "Contact Center" button. Below, an overview
of the information availability on the ELEMENTAL website is presented, along with the ways users
could interact with it
(figs. 7
-
11
)
.
Fig.
7
–
Schemathic
i
nformation available for download from the ELEMENTAL website
.
ABC Incremental Housing
folder: blueprint summary. Quinta Monroy
Project
.
Fig.
7
–
I
nformação
esquemática
disponível para download no site da ELEMENTAL
. Pasta ABC Incremental
Housing:
resumo dos planos.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
www.elementalchile.cl
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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Fig.
8
–
Schemathic
I
nformation available for download from the ELEMENTAL website
.
ABC Incremental Housing
folder:
blueprint summary
. Lo Barnechea Pr
o
j
ect.
Fig.
8
–
I
nformação
esquemática
disponível para download no site da ELEMENTAL
. Pasta ABC Incremental
Housing:
resumo dos planos.
Projeto Lo Barnechea.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
www.elementalchile.cl
Fig.
9
–
Schemathic
I
nformation available for download from the ELEMENTAL website
.
ABC Incremental Housing
folder: blueprint summary
. Monterrey Pro
j
ect.
Fig.
9
–
Informação esquemática d
isponível para download no site da ELEMENTAL. Pasta ABC Incremental
Housing: resumo dos planos.
Projeto Monterrey.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
www.elementalchile.cl
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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Fig.
10
–
Schemathic
I
nformation available for down
load from the ELEMENTAL website
.
ABC Incremental Housing
folder
:
blueprint summary
. Villa Verde Pro
j
ect.
Fig.
10
–
I
nformação
esquemática
disponível par
a download no site da ELEMENTAL
. Pasta ABC Incremental
Housing
:
resumo dos
planos.
Projeto Villa Verde.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Source:
www.elementalchile.cl
Fig.
11
–
I
nformation contained in the ABC Incremental Housing folder: Navigation letter.
Fig.
11
–
I
nformação
contidas na pasta ABC Incremental Housing: Carta de navegação
.
Source:
www.elementalchile.cl
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5.3.
Press
n
otes
iii
:
"
Aravena
, if he hasn
’
t invented it, has at least marked as his own an
architectural approach called
'incremental design"
Among the most widely replicated terms, "Design Accessibility" and "Sustainability" had the
highest presence in influential media outlets such as ArchDaily and Dezeen, as well as in local Latin
American publications like Revista Mandu
a. Additionally, certain concepts were reinterpreted
according to the editorial approach of each media outlet.
For example, "Democratization of design"
was presented as an innovation in access to architectural tools, like "Incrementality in design", while
"Community participation" was highlighted as a replicable model for governments and non
-
governmental organizations
.
The word cloud analysis and data review revealed the prominence of these terms in media
discussions, with words like "Design Accessibility"
,
"Community Participation," and "Sustainability"
appearing most frequently. Meanwhile, other concepts such as "Innovation," "Democratization," and
"Social Architecture" were also relevant but had a lower presence.
Overall, the reception and replicability
of these concepts reflect Aravena
’
s influence on expert
media discourse. He is positioned as the creator of incremental design across multiple
analysed
media
outlets. However, there is no contextualization regarding the socioeconomic background in which
th
ese housing projects were developed. Only some aspects of Chilean housing policy, such as the
subsidiarity of social housing, are mentioned.
The "Open
-
source strategy" is highlighted as an innovation, emphasizing the free availability of
the downloads and
linking it to the democratization of design.
5.4.
Summary of the
f
low of
i
deas and
c
oncepts:
s
ender
–
m
essage
d
evice
–
r
eceiver
From the analysis of each data corpus, key concepts were identified that emerged from the
sender, Alejandro Aravena
–
ELEMENTAL, in
his discourse and the launch of the free download of
prototypes, as well as the message amplified by specialized media outlets.
From this intersection, three key concepts stand out as those that successfully permeated from
the sender to the receiver and w
ere amplified for replicability: Open
-
Source as a Strategy,
Democratization of Design, Accessibility and Affordability (See
t
able
III
for reference.)
Table
III
–
Summary of Concepts and Ideas Present in the Message: Sender (Aravena), Mediation Device, and
Receiver (Specialized Media).
Quadro III
–
Resumo dos Conceitos e Ideias Presentes na Mensagem: Emissor (Aravena), Dispositivo de Mediação
e
Recetor (Mídia Especializada).
Synthesis Ideas
–
Concepts
Emitting
Agent
Mediation
Device
Receiving
Agent
Open So
u
rce Strategy
x
x
x
Design
Democratization
x
x
x
Accessibility
and Affordability
x
x
Community Empowerment
x
Appropriation
x
Power of Innovation: Incrementality
x
x
x
Collaboration
x
x
x
Participation
x
x
x
Free
x
Sustainability
x
Based on the Sankey diagram (fig.
12
), represents the flow of key ideas and concepts mobilized
from the moment Aravena was awarded the Pritzker Architecture Prize to the release of the
downloadable prototypes, as amplified by specialized media. Concepts su
ch as “Open
-
Source Strategy”
and “Design Democratization”, along with Accessibility and Affordability, are the main ideas
transmitted and amplified. The media further expanded three concepts/ideas as reinterpretations of
the release milestone and prototype
s: "free download," "participation," and "collaboration." These
three concepts were reinforced by the “novelty” of the download strategy, as well as by attributes
associated with ELEMENTAL and Aravena, such as social and ethical architecture.
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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Fig.
12
–
Sankey Diagram: Flow of Ideas and Concepts from Sender to Receiver and Their Amplification Capacity for
Idea Circulation.
Colour figure available online
.
Fig.
12
–
Diagrama de Sankey: Fluxo de Ideias e Conceitos do Emissor ao Recetor e Sua Capacidade de
Amplificação para Circulação de Ideias.
Figura a cores disponível online.
Additionally, powerful ideas like “community empowerment” and “appropriation” stemmed
from
Aravena’s initial discourse. However, these ideas did not successfully transfer from the sender
(Aravena) to the broader audience. One possible answer to this is that the Chilean housing policy
considers the participatory component in housing production a
s part of the Housing Program that
funded part of the Quinta Monroy project. It was not a novelty in housing policy; however, it was for
the architecture
-
specialized ecosystem from the design perspective, as reflected in the press sources
consulted for the
discourse analysis.
The case study justifies its significance at the intersection of architecture, social innovation, and
knowledge distribution models. In this regard, it was essential to detail the historical and social context
surrounding the decision
to release the prototypes and to contrast ELEMENTAL’s stated intentions
with the reception and impact on different stakeholders. The methodology was strengthened by
source triangulation, combining bibliographic analysis, multimedia resources, and testimoni
als to gain
a deeper understanding of the scope and implications of the discourse around this initiative.
6.
CONCLUSION
The case of ELEMENTAL and Alejandro Aravena offers a clear example of how architectural
ideas and policy concepts circulate
transnationally
through processes of appropriation, adaptation,
and symbolic reinforcement. Their approach
–
particularly the dissemination of incremental housing
prototypes via open
-
access platforms
–
illustrates how digital strategies can elevate an architectural
practice into a global reference point. While ELEMENTAL does not track the number of downloads,
they report receiving consistent requests from countries within the "tropical belt," where housi
ng
needs among vulnerable populations resemble those of Latin America. The availability of these
downloadable prototypes facilitates the spread of a conceptual “design recipe,” yet often neglects local
contextual, managerial, and user
-
specific complexities
. By framing their designs around universal
values such as sustainability and democratization, ELEMENTAL’s proposals gain ethical appeal while
strategically omitting the socio
-
political conflicts inherent to housing production. As
a team member
at ELEMENTA
L
(personal communication, March 28, 2023) points out, these prototypes are positioned
as adaptable templates supported by public subsidy, executed by private developers, and inhabited by
users capable of completing and customizing their homes. However, su
ch narratives risk
oversimplifying complex structural conditions and framing housing as a design issue, rather than
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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addressing broader institutional and political challenges.
This strategic simplification is supported and
amplified by digital mediation as
informational infrastructure that shapes and accelerates the
processes of policy and idea circulation, as well as international awards that provide recognition
. The
dissemination of "manifestos" and design formulas reinforces ELEMENTAL’s image as not only
expert
practitioners but also as curators of a global housing vision. This process enhances Aravena’s standing
as a “social architect” and an “ethical innovator,” even though incremental housing had long existed in
Latin America. Through virtual performanc
es
–
such as conferences, publications, and freely accessible
digital content
–
the symbolic capital of the Pritzker
Architecture
Prize is transformed into a tool of
persuasion, consolidating Aravena’s role as a global
agent
and narrative authority.
The in
fluence exerted by Aravena and ELEMENTAL, then, operates not only through built
projects but through their mediated representation. As
Au
slander (2008)
argues, digital performances
do not replace physical reality but intensify its symbolic impact. In this case, the Pritzker
Architecture
Prize f
u
nctions not merely as recognition of architectural excellence, but as a catalyst for “narrativ
e
mobility,” enabling the
transnational
circulation of ELEMENTAL’s housing model regardless of its
replicability or traceable impact. The Chilean context further highlights how this
transnational
recognition intersects with local innovation. The Quinta Mon
roy project emerged within an
institutional setting open to experimentation and external collaboration. By making their prototypes
digitally accessible under the “Download Here” strategy, ELEMENTAL not only promoted technical
dissemination but also constru
cted a transnational narrative that legitimized their practice as a global
benchmark in social housing.
This is certainly an example of the ways in which “the digital” generates
or produces policy mobilities.
In this process of mobility, power operates thr
ough influence and recognition (Mackenzie, 2017;
Montero, 2018), rather than through coerci
on, aligning with Allen’s (2003
) notion of “decentralised
power.” Aravena’s authority relies not solely on built outcomes, but on the value attributed to his ideas
by a network of actors who reproduce and legitimise his position through discourse.
Ultimately, the ELEMENTAL case underlines the importance of investigating open
-
source
strategies in
architecture, not
only in terms of access and dissemination but also
reg
arding
their
discursive and institutional implications. Digital platforms, symbolic awards, and curated narratives
function as powerful tools in shaping global housing agendas. Future research should interrogate the
extent to which these mediated strategie
s contribute to real social transformation or whether they risk
reinforcing existing inequalities under the guise of ethical innovation.
i
Speech delivered by Al
ejandro Aravena at the Pritzker Architecture Prize award ceremony, April 2016. This speech is analysed in conjunction with th
e
information provided during the press conference held as part of the award ceremony. During the event, Aravena announced the
free
release of
architectural prototypes on his website.
ii
Toolkit analysed and downloaded from the ELEMENTAL
website (
www.elementalchile.cl
), as available until December
2024. The website has since
been modified, with the downloadable prototypes now accessible through the “Downloads” section.
iii
The press notes correspond to a selection of digital media publications published between January 2016 and January 2017. This
pe
riod was defined
as it had the highest concentration of journalistic articles on the topic. Digital media outlets were chosen using Google's a
dvanced keyword search
function. The selected keywords were:
“
Alejandro Aravena,
” “
Pritzker,
”
and
“
Free Download,
”
as the aim was to analyse the media milestone of the
release. Google Analytics indicated the highest concentration of journalistic articles with these keywords during the specifi
ed time.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author gratefully acknowledges the insightful feedback provided by the three anonymous reviewers,
as well as their valuable contributions and suggestions.
This work was supported by a grant from ANID
–
Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo del
Gobierno de Chile
–
BECAS/DOCTORADO EN EL
EXTRANJERO
72200319
.
ORCID ID
Karen Saavedra Hernández
https://orcid.org/0000
-
0001
-
7830
-
0490
Saavedra Hérnandez, K,
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