Oliveira, R. C., Santinha, G. A. S., Perelman, J. A., Marques, T. S., Finisterra, LXI(131), 2026, e41316
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INTRODUCTION
Decentralisation, understood as the reorganisation of responsibilities across different tiers of
government, has attracted growing attention in public policy discourse. This multifaceted phenomenon,
marked by the transfer of competences and resources from central to subnational levels of governance, is
neither uniform nor linear; rather, it reflects the institutional, political, and cultural particularities of each
national context (Abimbola et al., 2019; Oliveira et al., 2024). Within the health sector, decentralisation is
frequently advocated as a means of bringing decision-making closer to communities, thereby enhancing the
responsiveness of services to local needs and promoting greater efficiency and equity in health systems
(Nunes & Ferreira, 2022; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2020).
Decentralisation can take a variety of forms, typically classified as administrative, political, or fiscal
(see, inter alia, Monte et al., 2022; Tselios, 2022). Administrative decentralisation entails the delegation of
competences to subnational entities, which exercise operational autonomy while remaining under the legal
authority of the central government. Political decentralisation involves the transfer of legislative powers and
autonomous management to locally elected bodies. Fiscal decentralisation, in turn, grants subnational
authorities the capacity to collect revenues and make independent budgetary decisions. These models often
coexist and vary widely across European contexts, including Italy, Spain, and Germany, where the
architecture of decentralisation reflects a combination of historical legacies and institutional arrangements
(Oliveira et al., 2024).
In Portugal, healthcare is predominantly delivered through a National Health Service (NHS) funded
by general taxation and characterised, since its establishment in 1979, by strong centralised control over
policy and resource allocation. Although the country is territorially organised into regions, districts, and
municipalities, only the latter are directly elected and possess a legally defined set of responsibilities, albeit
traditionally limited in scope. However, reforms introduced in 2018 and 2019 marked a significant shift,
initiating a process of health sector decentralisation. Legal instruments – Law 50/2018 and Decree-Law
23/2019 – set out the transfer of competences to municipalities, particularly in areas such as the management
of primary healthcare infrastructure (e.g., maintenance and investment), logistics (e.g., cleaning and utilities),
and non-clinical personnel (operational assistants). Simultaneously, municipalities were mandated to develop
Municipal Health Strategies, reinforcing their role in promoting population well-being and tackling health
inequalities (Nunes & Ferreira, 2022; Oliveira et al., 2022). This reform process remains ongoing, and its
scope is still evolving.
Yet the implementation of these reforms has encountered significant obstacles. Portugal's marked
territorial diversity, coupled with persistent economic and demographic asymmetries, may engender
considerable variation in municipalities’ capacity to assume new responsibilities, as differences in population
density, ageing profiles, and available financial resources tend to play a critical role in shaping local responses
(Capote, 2023).
In parallel, the financing arrangements underpinning the decentralisation process have come under
scrutiny, criticised for their opacity and misalignment with local realities, thus hindering the delivery of
effective and equitable reforms (República Portuguesa, 2023).
Despite some institutional progress, health decentralisation in Portugal remains highly contested.
Advocates argue that municipalities, due to their proximity to communities, are better placed to integrate and
respond to the social determinants of health, such as housing, access to essential services, and community
engagement (OECD, 2020; Santinha, 2016).
Critics, however, raise concerns about the uneven capacities of municipalities, particularly in the face
of population ageing, regional disparities, and increasing pressure on public resources (Rodrigues & Pedreiro,
2023). In practice, as corroborated by the study of Simões (2023), the decentralisation process has been
marked by slow and uneven implementation, punctuated by successive legislative revisions. Notably,
substantial disparities emerged in municipalities’ voluntary acceptance of transferred health competences
between 2020 and 2024 (see table I and fig. 1), pointing to underlying structural and political asymmetries.
While the international literature has provided extensive analyses of the consequences of
decentralisation for health systems, research examining the specific factors that shape municipalities’
decisions to accept new responsibilities remains limited. Understanding the motivations behind municipal
decisions – whether to adopt, delay, or reject decentralised competences – is essential for identifying the
constraints and enablers of policy implementation. Such an understanding also provides critical insights for
the design of public policies that account for territorial diversity and are capable of fostering more equitable
governance arrangements (Bruzzi et al., 2022; Hao et al., 2021).
This article aims to address this gap by examining the factors that influenced Portuguese
municipalities’ decisions to accept decentralised health competences during the 2020-2022 period, initially
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