Finisterra, LXI, 2026(131), e45326  
ISSN: 0430-5027  
doi: 10.18055/Finis45326  
Recensão  
CONTESTED URBAN BODIES: THE PRODUCTION OF LIBERATED  
SPACES IN THE TOURIST CITY OF NAPLESBY MARTINA  
LOCOROTONDO  
LUIS MENDES  
Contested Urban Bodies: The Production of Liberated Spaces in the Tourist City of Naples by Martina  
Locorotondo (2026) offers a rich, theoretically informed and empirically grounded contribution to  
contemporary debates in urban studies, critical geography, and tourism research. Drawing on long-term  
ethnographic fieldwork in Naples, the book interrogates the ways in which tourism-led urban transformation  
reshapes not only spaces and economies, but also bodies, subjectivities, and political practices.  
Locorotondo’s central concern lies in understanding how grassroots initiatives, particularly those organised  
around the occupation and collective management of abandoned public buildings, emerge as both a response  
to and a critique of the neoliberal reconfiguration of the city.  
The book is situated within a growing body of literature on touristification, gentrification, and the right  
to the city (Cocola-Gant, 2018; Gravari-Barbas & Guinand, 2017, 2025; Mendes, 2018, 2022), yet it  
distinguishes itself through its sustained attention to embodiment and to the material practices through which  
urban space is produced and contested. Locorotondo conceptualises the city as a site where bodies (residents,  
activists, tourists, workers) are differentially valued, regulated, and mobilised. This embodied perspective  
allows her to move beyond abstract analyses of urban restructuring and to foreground the lived, sensorial,  
and affective dimensions of urban conflict. In doing so, the book contributes to a more nuanced understanding  
of how power operates through everyday spatial practices.  
Methodologically, the work is based on in-depth ethnographic research conducted over several years,  
combining participant observation, interviews, and engagement with activist networks and municipal actors.  
This approach enables the author to capture the complexity and internal tensions of the movements she  
studies, avoiding romanticised portrayals of urban resistance. Rather than presenting Liberated Spaces as  
coherent or unified entities, Locorotondo carefully documents the negotiations, contradictions, and frictions  
that characterise their daily functioning. This empirical richness is one of the book’s major strengths, offering  
readers an intimate view of how alternative urban practices are sustained over time. Building on this  
ethnographic detail, the text shows that such frictions are not merely obstacles but generative moments  
through which commoning is continuously reworked. Repair emerges as a multidimensional practice that  
exceeds technical maintenance, encompassing the reconstruction of collective memories, the forging of  
social bonds, and the production of new political subjectivities. By situating these practices within the  
pressures of touristification and neoliberal urban transformation, Locorotondo demonstrates how the  
Liberated Spaces operate as counter-hegemonic infrastructures that prioritize use value, care, and social  
reproduction over commodification. Crucially, the figure of the activist-inhabitant captures how ordinary  
residents become political subjects through everyday acts of repair, inhabitation, and storytelling. These  
processes, Locorotondo and Fishwick (2026) argue, prefigure alternative urban futures, revealing repair not  
only as a strategy of survival in a broken city but also as a practice of counter-power capable of expanding  
the horizons of urban commons and collective governance.  
The early chapters establish the theoretical and contextual foundations of the study. Locorotondo  
situates Naples within broader discussions of urban neoliberalism and tourism-driven development (Gravari-  
Barbas & Guinand, 2017; Santos-Izquierdo et al., 2026), while also emphasising the city’s specific historical  
and political trajectories. Naples is presented not merely as a passive victim of global tourism dynamics, but  
Recebido: 02/02/2026. Aceite: 16/03/2026. Publicado: 20/04/2026.  
1 Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Instituto de Geografia e Ordenamento do Território, Universidade de Lisboa, Edifício IGOT, R. Branca Edmée Marques,  
1660 - 276, Lisboa, Portugal.  
Published under the terms and conditions of an Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license.  
 
Mendes, L. Finisterra, LXI(131), 2026, e45326  
as a place where long-standing traditions of informality, political struggle, and civic experimentation shape  
contemporary responses to urban change. This contextualisation is crucial, as it prevents the analysis from  
becoming overly generalisable and instead highlights the situated nature of urban struggles.  
A key conceptual contribution of the book lies in its articulation of Liberated Spaces as both spatial  
and corporeal processes. These spaces often former schools, convents, or public buildings are not simply  
reclaimed territories, but sites where alternative forms of social reproduction, governance, and political  
subjectivity are enacted. Locorotondo draws on feminist and post-Marxist theories of the commons to show  
how collective management practices challenge dominant property regimes and market logics (Benjamin &  
Turner, 1992; Shulz, 2026). At the same time, she remains attentive to the vulnerabilities of these spaces,  
including issues of sustainability, exclusion, and institutional co-optation.  
Tourism plays a central role in the analysis, not only as an economic force but as a cultural and  
symbolic one. The book demonstrates how tourism redefines urban value by prioritising certain aesthetics,  
narratives, and uses of space, often at the expense of residents’ everyday needs. Locorotondo examines how  
tourist imaginaries of Naples rooted in ideas of authenticity, disorder, and spectacle intersect with urban  
policies and investment strategies. In response, liberated spaces can be read as attempts to reclaim alternative  
narratives of the city, grounded in collective care, political participation, and cultural production.  
One of the most compelling aspects of the book is its examination of the relationship between  
grassroots movements and local government. Locorotondo explores the emergence of forms of new  
municipalism in Naples, where municipal authorities have, at times, recognised and even legitimised  
occupied spaces through legal frameworks that acknowledge their role as commons. This analysis avoids  
simplistic binaries between state and resistance, instead revealing a dynamic field of negotiation in which  
activists engage strategically with institutions while seeking to preserve their autonomy. The book thus offers  
valuable insights into the possibilities and limits of institutional recognition for radical urban practices.  
Throughout the text, the author pays close attention to the role of the body as both a site of control and  
a medium of resistance. The regulation of bodies through policing, surveillance, labour precarity, and  
housing displacement is shown to be integral to the production of the tourist city. Conversely, collective  
bodily practices such as assemblies, performances, protests, and everyday acts of care become central to the  
making of liberated spaces. This embodied lens enriches the analysis and connects urban struggles to broader  
debates on biopolitics and social reproduction (Minca, 2009).  
While the book’s focus on Naples is a clear strength, it also raises questions about the transferability  
of its findings to other urban contexts. Locorotondo is careful not to present Naples as a model to be  
replicated, yet readers may still wish for a more explicit engagement with comparative cases. Nonetheless,  
the theoretical framework developed in the book provides useful tools for analysing similar dynamics in other  
tourist cities, particularly in Southern Europe and the Global South.  
In terms of style and structure, the book is clearly written and well organised, balancing theoretical  
discussion with empirical narrative. The author successfully weaves together voices from the field with  
analytical reflection, allowing participants’ experiences to inform broader conceptual arguments. At times,  
the density of theoretical references may pose challenges for readers unfamiliar with critical urban theory,  
but this is largely offset by the clarity of the ethnographic material.  
The endorsement I wrote for the book: “Through a decolonial feminist lens and activist ethnography,  
Locorotondo offers a powerful intervention into urban geography. By centering the everyday labor of Naples’  
abitanti attive, this book challenges dominant narratives of tourist urbanism, revealing the city as a contested,  
lived space shaped from below. A vital contribution to critical urban studies and the geographies of  
resistance”.  
Overall, Contested Urban Bodies makes a significant contribution to interdisciplinary scholarship on  
urban transformation, tourism, and social movements. Its emphasis on embodiment, commoning, and  
everyday practices offers a refreshing perspective on debates that are often dominated by macro-economic  
or policy-oriented analyses. The book will be of interest to scholars and students in urban studies, human  
geography, sociology, and tourism studies, as well as to practitioners and activists engaged in struggles over  
urban space. By foregrounding the contested production of both bodies and spaces, Locorotondo provides a  
compelling account of how cities are continuously remade through conflict, cooperation, and collective  
imagination.  
ORCID  
Luís Mendes  
2
Mendes, L. Finisterra, LXI(131), 2026, e45326  
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